by Edward Elias Atwater
PROTESTANT Christianity places so much emphasis on individual accountability to God that consistency requires a Protestant community to provide that every person shall be able to read, in order that he may read the Scriptures. The Puritan fathers of New England established schools as early as, or earlier than, they organized churches, and with direct reference to religious instruction as the ultimate end. Under the caption "Children's Education," the New Haven law reads as follows:-
"Whereas too many parents and masters, either through an over tender respect to their own occasions and business, or not duly considering the good of their children and apprentices, have too much neglected duty in their education while they are young and capable of learning, It is Ordered, That the deputies for the particular court in each plantation within this jurisdiction for the time being, or where there are no such deputies, the constable or other officer or officers in public trust, shall, from time to time, have a vigilant eye over their brethren and neighbors within the limits of the said plantation; that all parents and masters do duly endeavor, either by their own ability and labor, or by improving such school-master or other help and means as the plantation doth afford or the family may conveniently provide, that all their children and apprentices, as they grow capable, may, through God's blessing, attain at least so much as to be able duly to read the Scriptures
and other good and profitable printed books in the English tongue, being their native language; and, in some competent measure, to understand the main grounds and principles of Christian religion necessary to salvation."
The statute then proceeds to provide for its enforcement, imposing fine after fine, and finally authorizing the court of magistrates if "such children or servants may be in danger to grow barbarous, rude, and stubborn," to "take such children or apprentices from such parents or masters, and place them for years, boys till they come to the age of one and twenty, and girls till they come to the age of eighteen years, with such others who shall better educate and govern them, both for public conveniency and for the particular good of the said children or apprentices." We learn from the statute that the end for which schools were instituted was that children might not grow "barbarous, rude, and stubborn." From the history of the schools we shall further find that the planters had in view not only to secure the colony from the existence of a dangerous class, but to qualify some of their youth to be leaders of the people in the following generation. The first planters of the earliest plantation in the colony brought With them a school-master. A few months after the arrival of the company at Quinnipiac, and apparently as soon as a room for the school could be provided, he commenced to teach. Michael Wigglesworth, who was his pupil in the summer of 1639, says, "I was sent to school to Mr. Ezekiel Cheever, who at that time taught school in his own house; and under him, in a year or two I profited so much, through the
blessing of God, that I began to make Latin, and to get on apace." The revision of the town records sanctioned by the General Court, after the unfaithfulness of Secretary Fugill had been discovered, gives the following minute concerning Mr. Cheever's school:-
"For the better training up of youth in this town, that through God's blessing they may be fitted for public service hereafter, either in church or commonweal, it is ordered that a free school be set up, and the magistrates with the teaching elders are entreated to consider what rules and orders are meet to be observed, and what allowance may be convenient for the school-master's care and pains, which shall be paid out of the town's stock. According to which order £20 a year was paid to Mr. Ezekiel Cheever, the present school-master, for two or three years at first; but that not proving a competent maintenance, in August, 1644, it was enlarged to £30 a year, and so continueth."
After Mr. Cheever's difficulty with the church it was uncomfortable for him to reside in New Haven, and he soon removed to Ipswich. In October, 1650, "it was propounded that a school-master be provided for the town," and the matter was referred to a committee; but some time elapsed before a school-master was found whom the town was willing to reward with so large a salary as they had paid to Mr. Cheever. Mr. Jeanes, one of the proprietors of the town, was willing to teach, and, in March, 1651, "it was propounded to know whether the town would allow any salary to Mr. Jeanes for teaching school.(*) Much debate was about it, but
(* William Jeanes, whose house was at the corner of Chapel and Church Streets. I have seen it stated that Rev. Thomas James, who lived at the corner of Chapel and York Streets, taught school in New Haven; but after diligent search I conclude that this is a mistake occasioned by the similarity of his name to that of Jeanes.)
nothing was ordered in it at present; only it was propounded to him, that if the town would allow him £10 a year, whether he would not go on to teach and take the rest of the parents of the children by the quarter; but he returned no answer." On further reflection Mr. Jeanes concluded to accept the town's offer, so that in May the town "ordered that he should have £10 for this year." In October "Mr. Jeanes informed the town that he is offered a considerable maintenance to go to Wethersfield to teach school, yet if the town will settle that £10 a year upon him formerly ordered, he is willing to stay here in the work he is. Whereupon it was voted that for three years he have £10 a year as formerly ordered, and upon the same terms as before." For some reason Mr. Jeanes did not continue to teach for so long a period as the town had engaged itself to him; for, in October, 1651:-
"The secretary was desired to speak with Mr. Goodyear to use some means to bring the school-master hither, who, they hear, is coming,, but wants transportation; and, about a fortnight later, "the governor acquainted the court that now the school-master is come, and some course must be taken to provide for his lodging and diet; and to repair the school-house; and consider what the town will allow him a year; and what his work shall be; therefore it is necessary a committee should be chosen to treat with him. The court considered of the motion, and chose the ruling elder, the four deputies, and the treasurer, as a committee to treat with him and provide for him; and declared that they are willing to allow him L30 a year out of the treasury, or any greater sum as they can agree, not exceeding L40 that his work should be to perfect male children in the English after they can read in their Testament or Bible, and to learn them to write, and to bring them on to Latin as they are capable, and desire to proceed therein."
Three days later -
"The committee appointed at the last court to treat and agree with the school-master, acquainted the court with what they had done; viz., that he propounded to have £20 a year, and the town to pay for his chamber and diet (which they have agreed with Mr. Atwater for, for five shillings per week); that the town pay toward his charges in coming hither thirty shillings; that he have liberty once a year to go to see his friends, which we propounded to be in harvest time; that his pay be good, and some of it such as wherewith he> may buy books and defray charges in his travel; that if he be called away (not to the same work, but to some other employment which may be for the honor of Christ) he may have liberty. And for this he will teach the children of this town (having the benefit of strangers to himself) after they are entered and can read in the Testament; to perfect them in English 5 and teach them their Latin tongue as they are capable; and to write. After consideration the town voted to accept the terms propounded."
The school-master thus provided was John Hanford, afterward settled in the ministry at Norwalk. When he had taught about four months:-
"The governor acquainted the court that he hears the schoolmaster is somewhat discouraged, because he hath so many English scholars which he must learn to spell, which was never the town's mind, as appeared in the order which was now read. And it was now ordered that the school-master shall send back such scholars as he sees do not answer the first agreement with him, and the parents of such children were desired not to send them."
Seven months after Mr. Hanford had commenced his school:-
"The governor informed the court that one of Norwalk had been with him to desire liberty for Mr. Hanford's remove to be helpful to that plantation in the work of the ministry: also Mr. Hanford himself, who saith he finds his body unable, and that it will not stand with his health to go on in his work of teaching
school, and therefore desires liberty to take his opportunity; which liberty he did reserve when he agreed with the town; the record of which agreement being read, it so appeared. Therefore, if his mind was so set, they could not hinder him; but a convenient time of warning was desired, which he granted, if it was a month or two."
On the same day when the aforesaid action was taken, releasing Mr. Hanford, "brother Davis's son was propounded to supply the school-master's place, and the magistrates, elders, and deacons, with the deputies for the court, were chbsen as a committee to treat with him about it." It is probable, however, that Mr. Davis was not employed; for the governor informed the court, Nov. 8, 1652:-
"That the cause of calling this meeting is about a school-master, to let them know what he hath done in it. He hath written a letter to one Mr. Bowers, who is school-master at Plymouth, and desires to come into" these parts to live, and another letter about one Mr. Rowlandson, a scholar, who, he hears, will take that employment upon him. How they will succeed, he knows not; but now Mr. Jeanes is come to the town, and is willing to come hither again if he may have encouragement. What course had been taken to' get one he was acquainted with, and that, if either of them come, he must be entertained; but he said, if another come, he should be willing, to teach boys and girls to read and write, if the town thought fit; and Mr. Jeanes being now present, confirmed it. The town generally was willing to encourage Mr. Jeanes's coming, and would allow him at least ten pounds a year out of the treasury, and the rest he might take of the parents of the children he teacheth, by the quarter, as he did before, to make it up a comfortable maintenance. And many of the town thought there would be need of two school-masters, for if a Latin school-master come, it is feared he will be discouraged if many English scholars come to him. Mr. Jeanes, seeing the town's willingness for his coming again, acknowledged their love, and desired them to proceed no further
at this time; for he was not sure he shall get free where he is, and if he do, he doubts it will not be before winter. Therefore no more was done in it at present."
About seven months later (June 21, 1653):-
"The governor acquainted the town that Mr. Bowers, whom they sent for to keep school, is now come, and that it hath been difficult to find a place for his abode; but now Thomas Kimberley's house is agreed upon, and he intends to begin his work next fifth day if the town please; with which the town was satisfied, and declared that they would allow him as they did Mr. Hanford,- that is, twenty pounds a year, and pay for his diet and chamber; and they expected from him that work which Mr. Hanford was to do: and some that had spoken with him, declared that upon these conditions he was content."
Mr. Bowers continued to teach the town school for about seven years. He was at first troubled, as Mr. Hanford had been, with so many "children sent to him to learn their letters and to spell, that others, for whom the school was chiefly intended, as Latin scholars," were neglected. The town, hearing of this, charged two of the selectmen (as such officers are now called, or townsmen, as they were then denominated) to send all such children home, and desired the school-master not to receive any more such. He does not appear to have been hindered in his usefulness after his first year by this or any other difficulty, till the last year of his service. He then informed the court, April 23, 1660, "that the number of scholars at present was but eighteen, and they are so unconstant that many times there are but six or eight. He desired to know the town's mind whether they would have a school or no school, for he could not satisfy himself to go on thus. The
reason of it was inquired after, but not fully discovered. But that the school might be settled in some better way for the furtherance of learning, it was referred to the consideration of the court, elders, and townsmen, who are desired to prepare it for the next meeting of the town." At the next meeting "the governor declared that the business of the school had also been considered by the committee, but was left to be further considered when it appears what will be done by the jurisdiction general court concerning a colony school."
The institution of a colony school at New Haven, a few months later, put an end to the town school, absorbing into itself all the boys in the plantation whose parents wished them to learn Latin.
The question naturally rises in the mind of one who studies in the early town records of New Haven, the history of its schools, What provision was there for children who had not yet learned to read? So far as appears, no provision was made at the public expense for children not sufficiently advanced to enter the town school; but parents were obliged either personally to teach their children, or to pay for their instruction in private schools. So early as February, 1645, "Mr. Pearce desired the plantation to take notice that if any will send their children to him, he will instruct them in writing or arithmetic." Probably other inhabitants from time to time taught the rudiments of learning as they could obtain pupils. Mr. Jeanes seems to have occupied a middle position between such teachers of private schools and the master of the public school, being regarded as less competent than those who received their
maintenance wholly from the town, and yet worthy to be encouraged by a grant from the public treasury when a more learned man than he, was not to be obtained.
At Guilford, Rev. John Higginson added to his work as teaching elder of the church, that of school-master for the town. At a general court, Oct. 7, 1646, a committee was appointed to collect the contributions for the maintenance of the elders, and "it was ordered that the additional sum toward Mr. Higginson's maintenance with respect to the school shall be paid by the treasurer out of the best of the rates in due season according to our agreements." As it was at the same time further ordered " that whoever shall put any child to school to Mr. Higginson, shall not put for less than a quarter's time at once, and so all shall be reckoned with quarterly, though they have neglected to send them all the time, after the rate of four shillings per quarter, by the treasurer," we may infer that the school was not free to those who' sent their children, though a fixed salary was assured to the master by the town. When Mr. Higginson, after Mr. Whitfield's departure, became the only elder of the church, other persons were successively employed as school-masters. Jeremiah Peck, afterward an ordained minister, was school-master from 1656, - in which year he was married to a young lady of Guilford, - to 1660, when he removed to New Haven to take charge of the grammar school established in that year by the colony.
According to Lambert, "the first school in Milford was kept by Jasper Gunn, the physician;" and the colonial records in 1657 preface an order, that "endeavors shall be used that a school-master shall be procured in
every plantation where a school is not already set up, with the statement that New Haven hath provided that a school-master be maintained at the town's charge, and Milford hath made provision in a comfortable way."
These town schools were chiefly intended for such as could remain long enough "to make Latin." The teachers were men of liberal education, and were procured(*) to teach, because they were capable of teaching something more and higher than the rudiments of learning. In every plantation there were inhabitants who could teach children as much as the law required that they should learn, which, as we have seen, was at first only reading.
To show, that, as the colony grew in years it required a greater minimum of scholarship, we cite the addition made by the General Court in 1660 to the law requiring that all children should be taught to read. "To the printed law concerning the education of children, it is now added that the sons of all the inhabitants within this jurisdiction shall (under the same penalty) be learned to write a legible hand so soon as they are capable of it." The reader should take notice, however, that the earlier order refers to all children and apprentices, and the later to boys only. The standard to which Mr. Davenport would have brought "the people by moral suasion, if not by authority of law, was even higher than that enforced by the court; for, when he delivered
(* The omission of Guilford in this mention of towns which in May, 1657, were maintaining schools, leads me to think that Mr. Peck commenced his school in 1657; but I have allowed the date of his commencement to remain as it is in Sibley's Harvard Graduates. Perhaps he commenced as the master of a private school.)
up all his power and interest as a trustee of Mr. Hopkins's bequest in aid of a college, he embraced the opportunity to express his desire "that parents will keep such of their sons constantly to learning in the schools whom they intend to train up for public serviceableness; and that all their sons may learn, at the least, to write and cast up accounts competently, and may make some entrance into the Latin tongue." As this communication was made at the meeting when the order was passed requiring that boys should be taught to write, it would seem that the freemen were moved by Mr. Davenport's communication to pass the order, but did not think it expedient to require arithmetic and Latin.
It was designed from the beginning, that "a small college should be settled in New Haven." In laying
(While they looked forward to the establishment of a college at home, the people of New Haven in 1644 appointed collectors to "receive of every one in this plantation whose heart is willing thereunto, a peck of wheat or the value of it," for "the relief of poor scholars at the college at Cambridge." The amount of this contribution may be learned from the following record in 1645. "Mr. Atwater, the present treasurer, informed the court that he had sent from Connecticut forty bushels of wheat for the college, by Goodman Codman, for the last year's gift of New Haven, although he had not received so much." This contribution of college corn became an annual institation, though sometimes there was less enthusiasm than at first. In 1647 "the governor propounded that the college corn might be forthwith paid, considering that the work is a service to Christ to bring up young plants for his service, and besides it will be a reproach that it shall be said New Haven is fallen off from this service." A few weeks later "it was desired that as men had formerly engaged themselves to contribute a portion of corn to the college, that they would not now be slack in carrying it to the collectors, but that within seven or eight days at farthest those that are behind would pay, for it is a service to Christ, and may yield precious fruit to the colonies hereafter, being that the commissioners have taken order that none should have the benefit of it but those that shall remain in the country for the service of the same.")
out their town the freemen reserved the tract called "Oyster-shell Field" "for the use and benefit of a college," and in March, 1648, directed a committee, empowered to dispose of vacant lots "to consider and reserve what lot they shall see meet and most commodious for a college, which they desire may be set up as soon as their, ability will reach thereunto." The subject had been brought before the General Court for the jurisdiction, at least as early as 1652; for the town of Guilford voted in June of that year:- "That the matter about a college at New Haven is thought to be too great a charge for us of this jurisdiction to undergo alone, especially considering the unsettled state of New Haven town, being publicly declared from the deliberate judgment of the most understanding men to be a place of no comfortable subsistence for the present inhabitants there; but if Connecticut do join, the planters are generally willing to bear their just proportions for erecting and maintaining a college there. However, they desire thanks to Mr. Goodyear for his proffer to the settihg forward of such a work." The records of the jurisdiction for that year having been lost, we are indebted to an allusion to this offer twelve years afterward by Mr. Davenport in some remarks in a town meeting, for the knowledge that the offer of Mr. Goodyear alluded to by the Guilford people was an offer to give his house and home-lot for the use of the college.
Notwithstanding the damper which Guilford put upon
the attempt to set up a college, the people of New Haven continued to hope, and about two years afterward again agitated the subject. At a general court May 22, 1654, "the town was informed that there is some motion again on foot concerning the setting up of a college here at New Haven, which, if attained, will in all likelihood prove very beneficial to this place; but now it is only propounded to know the town's mind, and whether they are willing to further the work by bearing a meet proportion of charge, if the jurisdiction, upon the proposal thereof, shall see cause to carry it on. No man objected, but all seemed willing, provided that the pay which we can raise here, will do it." The next year, at a general court May 21, 1655, the subject was "revived; and in some respects this seems to be a season, some disturbance being at present at the college in the Bay,(*) and it is now in-
(* The disturbance at Harvard College alluded to was occasioned by the outburst of President Dunster's long pent-up conviction that infant baptism was unscriptural. Probably some of the leading men at New Haven were aware, when in the preceding year they made a motion for setting up a college, that a storm was brewing at Cambridge; for about three weeks previously the General Court of Massachusetts had commended to the "pious consideration and special care of the officers of the college and the selectmen of the several towns, not to permit or suffer any such to be continued in the office or place of teaching, educating, or instructing of youth or child in the college or schools, that have manifested themselves unsound in the faith or scandalous in their lives, and not giving due satisfaction according to the rales of Christ; forasmuch as it greatly concerns the welfare of the country that the youth thereof be educated not only in good literature, but sound doctrine." Mr. Davenport and Mr. Hooke knew what this meant as well as President Dunster himself, who resigned in the following month. When it was publicly mentioned in town meeting at New Haven that there had been some disturbance in the college at the Bay, the college had been eleven months without a president.)
tended to be propounded to the General Court: therefore this town may declare what they will do by way of encouragement for the same; and it would be well if they herein give a good example to the other towns in the jurisdiction, being free in so good a work." Mr. Davenport and Mr. Hooke were both present upon this occasion, and "spake much to encourage the work;" and a committee was appointed "to go to the several planters in this town, and take from them what they will freely give to this work." On the 30th of the same month, at a general court for the jurisdiction:-
"The governor remembered the court of some purposes which have formerly been to set up a college at New Haven; and informed them that now again the motion is renewed, and, that the deputies might be prepared to speak to it, letters were sent to the plantations to inform them that it would now be propounded. He acquainted them also that New Haven has in a free way of contribution raised above three hundred pounds to, encourage the work, and now desired to know what the other towns will do. The magistrate and deputies from Milford declared, that, if the work might comfortably be carried on, their town would give one hundred pounds; but those from the other towns seemed not prepared, as not having taken a right course, and therefore desired further time to speak with their towns again, and take the same course New Haven hath done, and they will then return answer: and for a committee to receive these accounts, and upon receipt of them to consider whether it be meet to carry on the work, and how; and whatever considerations and conclusions may be meet for the furtherance of it; they agree that each town choose some whom they will entrust therein, and send them to New Haven upon Tuesday come fortnight, which will be the eigth of June, to meet in the afternoon, by whom also they promise to send the account, what their several towns will raise for the work; the major part of which committee meeting, and the major part of them agreeing, shall conclude what shall be done in this business."
The time was not ripe, however, for setting up a college; and these endeavors produced no substantial fruit except a bequest in aid of the intended college, which Mr. Hopkins made at the solicitation of Mr. Davenport. In May, 1659, however, Mr. Hopkins being now deceased, the General Court of the jurisdiction took action for establishing a grammar school for the colony, being probably stimulated thereto by the desire to secure Mr. Hopkins's bequest for such an institution of learning as it was possible for them to establish, since they could not compass a college. The order of the Court reads as follows; viz.:-
"The Court looking upon it as their great duty to establish some course (that, through the blessing of God), learning may be promoted in the jurisdiction as a means for the fitting of instruments for public service in church and commonwealth, did order that £40 a year shall be paid by the treasurer for the furtherance of a grammar school for the use of the inhabitants of the jurisdiction, and that £8 more shall be disbursed by him for the procuring of books of Mr. Blinman,(*) such as shall be approved by Mr. Davenport and Mr. Pierson(**) as suitable for this work. The appointing of the place where this school shall be settled, the person or persons to be employed, the time of beginning, &c., is referred to the governor, deputy-governor, the magistrates, and ministers settled in the jurisdiction, or so many of them as upon due notice shall meet to consider of this matter. The deputy-governor, with the deputies of Guilford, did propound Mr. Whit-
(* Rev. Richard Blinman, "after he had labored about ten years in the ministry at New London, removed to New Haven in 1658. After a short stay in that town, he took shipping, and returned to England."-Trumhill, vol. i., chap. 13. The New Haven town records show that he assisted Mr. Davenport in the work of the ministry after Mr. Hooke left and before Mr. Street came.)
(** Rev. Abraham Pierson of Branford.)
field!s house(*) freely for the furtherance of this work, who did also declare that they judged it reasonable that if the said school should be settled in any other place by those who are appointed to determine this question, that the like allowance should be made by that plantation where it falls, answerable to what by Guilford is now propounded."
More than a year, however, elapsed after this order was passed before the colony school went into operation. Meantime Mr. Davenport, having agreed with the other surviving trustees of Mr. Hopkins what part of his bequest should inure to the benefit of New Haven, transferred to the court of magistrates his rights as a trustee to receive and manage this part of the bequest:-
"At a court of magistrates held at New Haven, May 28, 1660, Mr. John Davenport, pastor to the church of Christ at New Haven, delivered into the hands of the court, to be kept for the use of the magistrates and elders of this colony, as is specified in his writing to them, certain writings concerning a trust committed to himself with some others, for the disposal of an estate given by the worshipful Edward Hopkins, Esquire, deceased, for the furtherance of learning in these parts, with resignation of his power and interest therein, so far as he might with preserving in himself the power committed to him for the discharge of his trust (which is more fully and particularly expressed in the records of the General Court), which was thankfully accepted."
A few days afterward, a general court for the juris-
(* The house thus offered by Gov. Leete and the Guilford deputies is still standing near the railway-station in Guilford. Its appearance and its internal arrangements have been somewhat changed, however, by alterations made in 1868. Mr. Ralph D. Smith's description of it, as it was in 1859, may be found in this volume, in the chapter on domestic and social life, and in Palfrey's History of New England.)
diction was held at New Haven, the record of which contains the following document:-
"QUOD FELIX, FAUSTUMQUE SIT!
"On the fourth day of the fourth month, 1660, John Davenport, pastor to the church of Christ at New Haven, presented to the Honored General Court at New Haven as followeth:-
"1. That sundry years past it was concluded by the said General Court that a small college, such as the day of small things will permit, should be settled in New Haven, for the education of youth in good literature, to fit them for public services in church and commonwealth, as it will appear in the public records.
"2. Hereupon the said John Davenport wrote unto our honored friend, Edward Hopkins, Esq., then living in London, the result of those consultations; in answer whereunto the said Edward Hopkins wrote unto the said John Davenport a letter, dated the thirtieth of the second month, called April, 1656, beginning with these words: 'Most dear sir, the long-continued respects I have received from you, but especially the speakings of the Lord to my heart by you, have put me under deep obligation to love and a return of thanks beyond what I ever have or can express,' &c. Then after other passages (which, being secrets, hinder me from showing his letter), he added a declaration of his purpose in reference to the college about which I wrote unto him: 'That which the Lord hath given me in those parts, I ever designed the greatest part of it for the furtherance of the work of Christ in those ends of the earth; and, if I understand that a college is begun and like to be carried on at New Haven for the good of posterity, I shall give some encouragement thereunto.' These are the very words of his letter, but
"3. Before Mr. Hopkins could return an answer to my next letter, it pleased God to finish his days in this world. Therefore, by his last will and testament (as the copy thereof transcribed and attested by Mr. Thomas Yale doth show), he committed the whole trust of disposing of his estate in these countries, - after some personal legacies were paid out, - unto the public uses mentioned,
and bequeathed it to our late honored governor, Theophilus Eaton, Esq., his father-in-law, and to the aforesaid John Davenport, and joined with them in the same trust Capt. John Cullick and Mr. William Goodwin.
"4. It having pleased the Most High to afflict this colony greatly by taking from it to himself our former ever-honored governor, Mr. Eaton, the surviving trustees and legatees met together to consider what course they should take for the discharge of their trust, and agreed that each of them should have an inventory of the aforesaid testator's estate in New England, in houses and goods and lands (which were prized by some in Hartford intrusted by Capt. Cullick and Mr. Goodwin), and in debts, for the gathering in whereof some attorneys were constituted, empowered, and employed, by the three surviving trustees, as the writing in the magistrates' hands will show.
"5. Afterward at another meeting of the said trustees, they considering that by the will of the dead they are joined together in one common trust, agreed to act with mutual consent in performance thereof, and considering that by the will of the testator two of New Haven were joined with two of Hartford, and that Mr. Hopkins had declared his purpose to further the college intended at New Haven, they agreed that one-half of that estate which should be gathered in, should be paid unto Mr. Davenport for New Haven; the other half to Capt. Cullick and Mr. Goodwin, to be improved for the uses and ends forenoted, where they should have power to perform their trust; which, because they could not expect to have at Hartford, they concluded would be best done by them in that new plantation unto which sundry of Hartford were to remove and were now gone$ yet they agreed that out of the whole, an £100 should be given to the college at Cambridge in the Bay, the estate being £1,000, as Capt. Cullick believed it would be, which we now see cause to doubt, by reason of the sequestrations laid upon that estate and still continued by the General Court at Hartford, whereupon some refuse to pay their debts, and others forsake the purchases they had made, to their great hinderance of performing the will of the deceased according to the trust committed to them, and to the endamagement of the estate.
"6. The said John Davenport acquainted the other two trustees
with his purpose to interest the honored magistrates and elders of this colony in the disposal of that part of the estate that was, by their agreement, to be paid thereunto, for promoting the college-work in a gradual way, for the education of youth in good literature, so far as he might with preserving in himself the power committed to him for the discharge of his trust. They consented thereunto. Accordingly on the election day, it being the thirtieth day of the third month, he delivered up into the hands of the honored governor and magistrates, the writings that concern this business (viz., the copy of Mr. Hopkins's last will and testament, and the inventory of his estate in New England, and the appraisement of his goods, and the writings signed by the surviving trustees for their attorneys, and some letters between the other trustees and himself), adding also his desire of some particulars for the well performing of the trust, as followeth:-
"I. He desireth of New Haven Town, First, That the rent of the oyster- shell field, formerly separated and reserved for the use and benefit of a college, be paid from this time forward toward the making of some stock for disbursement of necessary charges towards the college till it be set up, and afterward to continue for a yearly rent as belonging to it, under the name and title of college land.
"Secondly, That if no place can be found more convenient, Mrs. Eldred's lot be given for the use of the college and of the colony grammar school, if it be in this town, else only for the college.
"Thirdly, That parents will keep such of their sons constantly to learning in the schools whom they intend to train up for public serviceableness, and that all their sons may learn, at the least, to write and cast up accounts competently, and may make some entrance into the Latin tongue.
"Fourthly, That if the colony settle £40 per annum for a common school, and shall add an £100 to be paid toward the building or buying of a school- house and library in this town, seeing thereby this town will be freed from the charges which they have been at hitherto to maintain a town school, they would consider what part of their former salary may be still continued for future supplies toward a stock for necessary expenses about the college or school.
"II. He humbly desireth the honored General Court of the
colony of New Haven, First, That the £40 per annum formerly agreed upon to be paid by the several plantations for a common grammar school be now settled in one of the plantations, which they shall judge fittest, and that a school-master may forthwith be provided to teach the three languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, so far as shall be necessary to prepare them for the college, and that, if it can be accomplished, that such a school-master be settled by the end of this summer or the beginning of winter, the payments from the several plantations may begin from this time.
"Secondly, That, if the common school be settled in this town, the honored governor, magistrates, elders, and deputies would solemnly and together visit the grammar school, once every year at the court for elections, to examine the scholars' proficiency in learning.
"Thirdly, That for the payments to be made by the plantations for the school, or out of Mr. Hopkins's estate toward the college, one be chosen by themselves, under the name and title of steward or receiver for the school and college, to whom such payments may be made, with full pbwer given him by the court to demand what is due and to prosecute in case of neglect, and to give acquittances in case of due payments received, and to give his account yearly to the court, and to dispose of what he receiveth in such provisions as cannot be well kept, in the best way for the aforesaid uses, according to advice.
"Fourthly, That unto that end a committee of church-members be chosen, to meet together and consult and advise in emergent, difficult cases, that may concern the school or college, and which cannot be well delayed till the meeting of the General Court, the governor being always the chief of that committee.
"Fifthly, The said John Davenport desireth that while it may please God to continue his life and abode in this place (to the end that he may the better perform his trust in reference to the college), he be always consulted in difficult cases, and have the power of a negative vote, to hinder any thing frtrni being acted which he shall prove by good reason to be prejutacial to the true intendment of the testator, and to the true end this work.
"Sixthly, That certain orders be speedily made for the school, and, when the college shall proceed, for it also, that the education
of youth may be carried on suitably to Christ's ends, by the counsel of the teaching elders in this colony; and that what they shall conclude with consent, being approved by the honored magistrates, be ratified by the General Court.
"Seventhly, Because it is requisite that the writings which concern Mr. Hopkins's estate be safely kept, in order thereunto the said John Davenport desireth that a convenient chest be made, with two locks and two keys, and be placed in the house of the governor or of the steward, in some safe room, till a more public place (as a library or the like) may be prepared, and that one key be in the hand of the governor, the other in the steward's hand; that in this chest all the writings now delivered by him to the magistrates may be kept, and all other bills, bonds, acquittances, orders, or whatsoever writings that may concern this business, be put and kept there; and that some place may be agreed on where the steward or receiver may lay up such provisions as may be paid in, till they may be disposed of for the good of the school or college.
"Eighthly, Because our sight is narrow and weak in viewing and discerning the co'mpass of things that are before us, much more in foreseeing future contingencies, he further craveth liberty for himself and other elders of this colony to propound to the honored governor and magistrates what hereafter may be found to be conducible to the well carrying on of this trust according to the ends proposed, and that such proposals may be added Unto these, under the name and title of useful additional and confirmed by the General Court. "Lastly, He hopeth he shall not need to add what he expressed by word of mouth, that the honored General Court will not suffer this gift to be lost from the colony, but, as it becometh Fathers of the Commonwealth, will use all good endeavors to get it into their hands, and to assert their right in it for the common good, that posterity may reap the good fruit of their labors and wisdom and faithfulness, and that Jesus Christ may have the service and honor of such provision made for his people, in whom I rest.
"To these motions I desire that the answer of the Court, together with this writing, may be kept among the records for the school and college.
To this communication the General Court responded as follows:
"The Court being deeply sensible of the small progress or proficiency in learning that hath yet been accomplished in the way of more particular town schools of later years in this colony, and of the great difficulty and charge to make pay, &c., for the maintaining children at the schools or college in the Bay, and that notwithstanding what this Court did order last year or formerly, nothing hath yet been done to attain the ends desired, upon which considerations and other like, this Court for further encouragement of this work doth now order that, over and above the Lb40 per annum, granted the last year for the end then declared, Lb100 stock shall be duly paid in from the jurisdiction treasury, according to the manner and times agreed and expressed in the court records, giving and granting that special respect to our brethren at New Haven, to be first in embracing or refusing the court's encouragement or provision for a school, whether to be settled at New Haven town or not; but if they shall refuse, Milford is to have the next choice, then Guilford, and so in order every other town on the main within the jurisdiction have their liberty to accept or refuse the court's tender; yet it is most desired of all that New Haven would accept the business, as being a place most probable to advantage the well carrying on of the school for the ends sought after and endeavored after thereby; but the college after spoken of is affixed to New Haven, if the Lord shall succeed that undertaking. It is further agreed that all and every plantation who have any mind to accept the propositions about the school, shall prepare and send in their answer unto the committee chosen of all the magistrates and settled elders of this jurisdiction, to order, regulate, and dispose all matters concerning the school (as the providing instruments and well carrying on of the business) from time to time as they shall judge best, before the 24th of June instant, that so if any plantation do accept, the committee may put forth their endeavors to settle the business; but if all refuse, then it must be suspended until another meeting of this General Court
"And for further encouragement of learning and the good of posterity in that way, Mr. John Davenport, pastor of the Church
of Christ, at New Haven, presented a writing, as before appears, whereby and wherewith he delivered up all his power and interest as a trustee by Mr. Hopkins, for recovering and bestowing of all that legacy given by him for the end of furtherance to the settlement of a college at New Haven; he also propounded therewith, what he apprehends hath been granted and set apart by the town of New Haven for the same end, with a request that matters there-abouts might be ordered and carried on according to such propositions as are therein set down. All which the General Court took thankfully, both from the donors and Mr. Davenport, and accepted the trust, and" shall endeavor by God's help to get in the said estate"and improve it to the end it was given for.
"By way of further answer to what was propounded by Mr. Davenport in his writing presented, the Court declared that it was their desire that the colony school may begin at the time propounded, and to that end desire that endeavors may be put forth by the committee of magistrates and settled elders formerly appointed, for the providing a school-master, &c., to whom also they leave it to appoint a steward or receiver, which steward or receiver they empower as is propounded, and to settle a committee from among themselves to issue emergent cases, and to take order that a chest be provided wherein the writings may be laid up that concern this business. The Court further declared that they do invest Mr. Davenport with the power o£ a negative vote, for the reason and in the cases according to the terms in his writing specified, and that they shall be ready to confirm such orders as shall be presented, which in the judgment of the Court shall be conducible to the main end intended.
"It is ordered for encouragement of such as shall diligently and constantly, to the satisfaction of the civil authority in each plantation, apply themselves to due use of means for the attainment of learning, which may fit them for public service, that they shall be freed from payment of rates with respect to their persons; provided that if any such shall leave off, or not constantly attend those studies, they shall then be liable to pay rates in all respects as other men are.
"It is ordered that if the colony school shall begin any time within the first half year from this court of election, that £40 shall
be paid by the treasurer for this year, and if it shall begin at any time before the election next, that £20 shall be paid by the treasurer upon that account.
"To the printed law concerning the education of children, it is now added, that the sons of all the inhabitants within this jurisdiction shall, under the same penalty, be learned to write a legible hand, so soon as they are capable of it."
The next record concerning the colony school which we find, was made by the town of New Haven, and is as follows:-
"1660, June 21st
"The orders made by the General Court in May last, also a writing of Mr. Davenport by him then delivered in to the General Court concerning a school and college, were both read; after which the governor declared that formerly the Court had taken care that schools of learning might be settled in the several plantations, but finding that means did not attain the end propounded, they have now, as by their order read appears, provided for the settling of a colony school (for teaching of Latin, Greek and Hebrew), in some one of the plantations, which they first tender to New Haven to accept if they shall see cause so to do upon the encouragement they have agreed upon; viz.,; £100 stock for the providing a house for the master to live in and a school-house, and £40 per annum. Sergeant Jeffrey desired that the town [ ] the compass of the business. To which it was answered that it appears by the order read, that the jurisdiction allows £ioo stock and £40 per annum for the salary; but what it comes to more, that town which accepts their tender must make up. After the business had been debated and considered, it was, by the vote of the town, generally declared, that upon the jurisdiction's encouragement, the school shall be settled at New Haven. To which end, Mr. Gilbert, Lieutenant Nash, Sergeant Munson, and John Cooper were appointed a committee to provide a house for the school-master and a school-house, and therein to use their best discretion whether to buy or build, so as may answer the end, yet with as good husbandry for the town as may be."
At the same court "it was also by the governor propounded concerning Oyster-shell Field, that as it hath been from the first intended (as hath been often said) for the use of a college, that it might now be actually set apart for that use, as Mr. Davenport in his writing hath desired, which was also debated; and the town generally showed their willingness, that if it shall please God in his providence so to order it that a college be settled and set up at New Haven, that then the Oyster-shell Field shall be set apart for that use. But to do it before that was not granted."
From the colony records we extract the following:-
"At a meeting of the committee for the school, June 28th, 1660, there were present the governor,(*) the deputy-governor,(**) Mr. Treat, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Street. It was agreed that Mr. Peck, now at Guilford, should be school-master, and that it should begin in October next, when his half-year expires there; he is to keep the school, to teach the scholars Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and fit them for the college; and for the salary, he knows the allowance from the colony is £40 a year; and for further treaties, they must leave it to New Haven, where the school is; and for further orders concerning the school and well carrying it on, the elders will consider of some against the court of magistrates in October next, when things, as there is cause; may be further considered. Mr. Crane and Mr. Pierson came after the business was concluded, and what is above written was read to them, and they fully approved of it; and after that, being read to Mr. Gilbert, he approved of it also."
At a town meeting in New Haven, July 25 of the same year, the governor communicated the action of the committee as above, and "further informed that upon the eleventh of July, Mr. Peck coming over him-
self, with such of the court and townsmen as could be got together, had a treaty with him, who propounded that unto the £40 per annum allowed by the jurisdiction, £10 per year, with a comfortable house for his dwelling, and a school-house, and the benefit of such scholars as are not of the jurisdiction, and such part of the accommodations belonging to the house lately purchased of Mr. Kitchel (at a moderate price), as he shall desire, with some liberty of commonage, all which the town now consented to, and by vote determined to allow to Mr. Peck; which the governor now promised to give him information of."
According to the arrangement thus made, the colony school went into operation in the autumn of 1660. At the General Court held in May of the following year, "there were sundry propositions presented by Mr. Peck, school-master, to this court, as followeth:-
"First, That the master shall be assisted with the power and counsel of any of the honored magistrates or reverend elders, as he finds need, or the case may require. 2. That rectores schola be now appointed and established. 3. What is that the jurisdiction expects from the master? Whether any thing besides instruction in the languages and oratory? 4. That two indifferent men be appointed to prove and send to the master such scholars as be fitted for his tuition. 5. That two men be appointed to take care of the school, to repair and supply necessaries, as the case may require. 6. Whether the master shall have liberty to be at neighbors' meetings once every week? 7. Whether it may not be permitted that the school may begin but at eight of the clock all the winter half-year? 8. That the master shall have liberty to use any books that do or shall belong to the school. 9. That the master shall have liberty to receive into and instruct in the school, scholars sent from other places out of this jurisdiction, and that he shall receive the benefit of them, over and above what the jurisdiction doth pay
him. 10. That the master may have a settled habitation, not at his own charge 11. That he shall have a week's vacation in the year to improve, as the case may require. 12. That his person and estate shall be rate-free in every plantation of this jurisdiction.
13. That half the year's payment shall be made to, and accounts cleared with, the master, within the compass of every half year.
14. That £40 per annum be paid to the school-master by the jurisdiction treasurer, and that £10 per annum be paid to him by New Haven treasurer.
15. That the major part of the foresaid payments shall be made to the school-master in these particulars as followeth; viz., 30 bushels of wheat, 2 barrels of pork, and 2 barrels of beef, 40 bushels of Indian corn, 30 bushels of pease, 2 firkins of butter, 100 pounds of flax, 30 bushels of oats. Lastly, That the honored Court would be pleased to consider of and settle these things this court time, and to confirm the consequent of them, the want of which things, especially some of them, doth hold the master under discouragement and unsettlement; yet these things being suitably considered and confirmed, if it please the honored Court further to improve him who at present is school-master, although unworthy of any such respect, and weak for such a work, yet his real intention is to give up himself to the work of a grammar school, as it shall please God to give opportunity and assistance.
"The Court, considering of these things, did grant as followeth; viz., to the second, they did desire and appoint Mr. John Davenport, sen., Mr. Street, and Mr. Pierson, to take that care and trust upon them; to the third, they declared that besides that which he expressed, they expected he would teach them to write so far as was necessary to his work; to the fourth, they declared that they left it to those before mentioned; to the eighth, they declared that he should have the use of those books, provided a list of them be taken; the ninth they left to the committee for the school; and the rest they granted in general, except the pork and butter, and for that they did order that he should have one barrel of pork and one firkin of butter, provided by the jurisdiction treasurer, though it be with some loss to the jurisdiction, and that he should have wheat for the other barrel of pork. This being done, Mr. Peck seemed to be very well satisfied."
The school thus established continued only about two years, being discontinued partly on account of the paucity of scholars, and partly on account of the expense of litigation with Connecticut concerning her assumption of title to the territory of New Haven, which threatened to exhaust the treasury. The vote to discontinue is thus recorded:-
"At a General Court held at New Haven, for the jurisdiction, Nov. 5, 1662, it was propounded as a thing left to be issued at the next General Court after May last, by the committee for the school, whether they would continue the colony school or lay it down. The business being debated, it came to this conclusion, that, considering the distraction of the time, that the end is not attained for which it was settled no way proportionable to the charges expended, and that the colony is in expectation of unavoidable necessary charges to be expended, did conclude to lay it down, and the charges to cease when this half-year is up at the end of this month."
How far the school came short of attaining the end for which it was established, may be seen in the light of some remarks made by Mr. Davenport in a town meeting held the preceding August. "Mr. Davenport further propounded to the town something about the colony school, and informed them that the committee for the school made it a great objection against the keeping of it up, that this town did not send scholars to it, only five or six; now, therefore, if you would not have that benefit taken away, you should send your children to it constantly, and not take them off so often; and further said that he was in the school, and it grieved him to see how few scholars were there."
The colony school being discontinued, the town of
New Haven negotiated with George Pardee, one of their own people, to teach the children " English, and to carry them on in Latin so far as he could. The business was debated, and some expressed themselves to this purpose, that it is scarce known in any place to have a free school for teaching English and writing, but yet showed themselves willing to have something allowed by the public, and the rest by the parents and masters of such that went to school; and in the issue twenty pounds was propounded and put to vote, and by vote concluded to be allowed to George Pardee for this year out of the town treasury, and the rest to be paid by those that sent scholars to the school, as he and they could agree. This, George Pardee agreed to, to make trial of for one year. He was also advised to be careful to instruct the youth in point of manners, there being a great fault in that respect, as some expressed."
Our history of schools in the colony of New Haven might here come to a conclusion, for, when the year expired for which Mr. Pardee was engaged, the colony of New Haven had become absorbed into the colony of Connecticut, and thus lost not only its name but its existence as a jurisdiction.
But it will not be deemed improper to add that within two years after the union, the town of New Haven, stimulated by its desire to secure to itself that part of Gov. Hopkins's bequest which was in the power of Mr. Davenport, established a "grammar or collegiate school," and invited Mr. Samuel Street to be the schoolmaster. The town appropriated £30 per annum, and the Hopkins estate in the hands of Mr. Davenport yielded by this time £10 more. A few months after-
ward, Mr. Davenport came into the town meeting, and "desired to speak something concerning the school; and first propounded to the town whether they would send their children to the school, to be taught for the fitting them for the service of God in church and commonwealth. If they would, then he said that the grant of that part of Mr. Hopkins' estate formerly made to this town stands good; but if not, then it is void, because it attains not the end of the donor. Therefore he desired they would express themselves. Upon which Roger Ailing declared his purpose of bringing up one of his sons to learning; also Henry Glover, one of William Russel's; John Winston; Mr. Hodson; Thomas Trowbridge; David Atwater; Thomas Mix; and Mr. Augur said that he intended to send for a kinsman from England. Mr. Samuel Street declared that there were eight at present in Latin, and three more would come in in summer, and two more before next winter. Upon which Mr. Davenport seemed to be satisfied, but yet declared that he must always reserve a negative voice, that nothing be done contrary to the true intent of the donor, and that it be improved only for that use; and therefore, while it can be so improved here, it shall be settled here; but if New Haven will neglect their own good herein, he must improve it otherwhere unto that end that may answer the will of the dead."
As this declaration of Mr. Davenport was made in February, 1668, and he removed to Boston some two or three months afterward, having in the previous September received a call to the pastorate of the first church there, it may be inferred that the people of New Haven had some reason at that time to apprehend that they
might lose the benefit of the Hopkins bequest. On the 18th of April, however, Mr. Davenport executed a deed of trust, in which he conveyed unto "William Jones, assistant of the colony of Connecticut, the Rev. Mr. Nicholas Street, teacher of the church of Christ at New Haven, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. John Davenport, jun., and James Bishop, commissioned magistrates, Deacons William Peck and Roger Ailing, and to their successors," his interest in the Hopkins bequest; reserving "full power of a negative voice, while it shall please God to continue my living and abiding in this country or any part of it;" appending the condition that the rent of Oyster-shell Field and of Mrs. Eldred's lot should be to the use of the school; and declaring null and void his former conveyance for the encouragement of a "colony school," on the ground that the colony school had been dissolved by the act of the General Court of the colony of New Haven.(*)
The Hopkins Grammar School thus established, has, with some intermissions which occurred early in its history, afforded to the boys of New Haven from that time to the present day, opportunity " to be taught for the fitting them for the service of God in church and commonwealth." It opens its doors so indiscriminately to the children of all classes of people, Christian, Jewish, and pagan, that the following action of the town may perhaps awaken the risibles of the reader:-
"At a town meeting in New Haven, Dec. 9, 1728, Voted, That the land lying in the governor's quarter in New Haven called the Oyster-shell Field be put into the hand of the school committee in New Haven commonly known by the name of Hopkins Committee, as they now be or hereafter shall be, according to their
(* See Appendix V)
constitution or custom, by tfeem to be improved for the upholding and. maintaining a grammar school in the first parish in.this town, for the educating of children of Congregational or Presbyterian parents only, and no other use whatsoever forever hereafter; and if it shall hereafter be thought most advantageous to make sale of the lands commonly called the Oyster-shell Field as aforesaid, and the major part of proprietors in this town shall agree thereto, the money thereby produced shall be past into the hands of said committee to be improved as aforesaid, and to no other use whatsoever."
EACH of the colonies of New England had its military chieftain. A captain was as necessary as a magistrate. Miles Standish came with the pilgrims from Leyden to Plymouth; but, so far as appears, he came as a soldier rather than as a Separatist. He was a man of pure morals, but never identified himself with the church at Plymouth. It was not required in that colony, as it was in Massachusetts and in New Haven, that military officers should be church-members. Of the expedition sent by Massachusetts against the Pequots in 1636, John Endicott was chief captain; John Underbill, Nathanael Turner, and William Jenningson, were subordinate captains; and there were other-inferior officers. As the number of privates did not exceed one hundred in number, Underbill, in his narrative of the expedition, apologizes for the unusual proportion of officers. "I would not have the world wonder at the great number of commanders to so few men, but know that the Indians' fight far differs from the Christian practice, for they most commonly divide themselves into small bodies; so that we are forced to neglect our usual way, and to subdivide our divisions to answer theirs, and not linking it any disparagement to any captain
to go forth against an enemy with a squadron of men, taking the ground from the old and ancient, practice when they chose captains of hundreds and captains of thousands, captains of fifties And captains of tens. We conceive a captain signifieth the chief in way of command of any body committed to his charge for the time being; whether of more or less, it makes no matter in power, though in honor it does."
Eaton and Davenport not knowing, when they left England, that they should settle afar from their friends in Massachusetts, had not been careful to bring with them a military chief. During the winter they spent at the Bay they found a valuable accession to their company in Nathanael Turner, one of the three captains of the first Pequot expedition who were subordinate only to Endicott. Having lost his house at Lynn (then called Sagus) by fire, in January, 1637, "with all that was in it save the persons," he was free to listen to proposals from a company, which, with large resources, proposed to settle at Quinnipiac. He listened, and was persuaded to take part in the responsibilities and rewards of the undertaking. Capt. Turner was invested with military command at Quinnipiac during the time of the provisional authority which preceded the permanent settlement of civil affairs in the plantation; for, on the 25th of November, 1639, only thirty days after the organization of the court, and, so far as appears on the record, before any appointment of military officers had been made, it was "ordered that every one that bears arms shall be completely furnished with arms; viz., a musket, a sword, bandoleers, a rest, a pound of powder, twenty bullets fitted to their musket, or four
pounds of pistol-shot or swan-shot at least, and be ready to show them in the market-place upon Monday, the 16th of this (sic) month, before Capt. Turner and Lieut. Seeley, under the penalty of twenty shillings fine for every default or absence."
On the first day of September following, "Mr. Turner was chosen captain to have the command and ordering of all martial affairs of this plantation, as setting and ordering of watches, exercising and training of soldiers, and whatsoever of like nature appertaining to his office; all which he is to do with all faithfulness and diligence, and, be ready at all times to do whatsoever service the occasions of the town may require." This seems to have been a permanent appointment; for he continued in office, till, having determined to visit the mother country, he had embarked in Lamberton's vessel. Then "the governor propounded whether the military affairs of the town may be comfortably carried on without a captain, or whether it were not convenient to choose a captain instead of Capt. Turner, not knowing when he will return. After some debate, Mr. Malbon was chosen captain, with liberty to resign his place to Capt. Turner at his return."
Robert Seeley, above mentioned as lieutenant before the adoption of the fundamental agreement, was formally elected to that office Aug. 6, 1642. In 1649 he asked the town to excuse him from further service, but the Court was unwilling to do so; and "it was propounded that the men in the town would underwrite what they would give toward the maintenance of Lieut. Seeley in his place." Before the settlement of New Haven, Seeley had been the lieutenant of Capt. Mason
in the expedition from Connecticut against the Pe quots in 1637. He had, passed Quinnipiac in the chase of the Pequots westward, and, unless Turner was with him in that pursuit, had been the first of those who soon afterward settled there as planters to set his eyes on its hills1 and meadows, its creeks, rivers, and fair haven.
Soon after the inspection of arms appointed in November, 1639, it was ordered that a similar inspection should take place quarterly; and it was defined that "every one that beareth arms" meant "every male from sixteen to sixty years of age, who shall dwell or sojourn wfthin this plantation or any part of the bounds and limits of it for a month together." The number of persons thus made subject to military duty was in 1642 not less than two hundred and seventeen, as there were then thirty-one watches, each consisting of seven men. The whole company was divided into four squadrons, each commanded by a sergeant; and the squadrons being trained in succession, one on Saturday of each week for four weeks, there was every fifth week a general training of the whole company, which occurred always on Monday. The squadron-training was omitted that week. At a later date the number of general trainings was reduced to six in a year; and after the organization, in 1645, of a volunteer artillery company, whose members were exempt from squadron-training, the four squadrons were exercised two at once, and only required to train each six times a year.
Besides the officers already mentioned, "the trained band" had an ensign, four sergeants, and four corporals. In 1642 the ensign, or antient as he was usually styled,
was Francis Newman, afterward governor of the jurisdiction. The sergeants contemporary with him were William Andrews, Thomas Munson, John Clark, and Thomas Jeffrey; and the corporals were Thomas Kimberley, John Moss, John Nash, and Samuel Whitehead.
Fines for absence and late-coming, whether on days of general training or on squadron days, were given up to the military officers and company for their encouragement, "to be disposed in powder and shot, that they may set up marks to shoot at, or may furnish themselves for their military exercises." A portion of Oyster-shell Field was set apart for "a shooting- place;" and here, on training-days, the soldiers were exercised in target practice.
The arms which the militia were required to show were, in the revision of the orders, specified as "a good serviceable gun, a good sword, bandoleers, a rest, all to be allowed by the military officers; one pound of good gunpowder, four pounds of bullets, either fitted for his gun, or pistol bullets, with four fathom of match fit for service with every matchlock, and four or five good flints fitted for every firelock piece, all in good order, and ready for any sudden occasion, service, or view." The order makes it indifferent whether the gun be a matchlock or a firelocks only if the soldier have a firelock, he must be furnished with a sufficiency of flints, and if his gun is a matchlock, he must have a sufficiency of match. Any musket of the seventeenth century would seem to us ludicrously inferior to those with which modern soldiers are provided; but even the matchlock gave its possessor, so long as he had a rest and a match, immense superiority over an enemy destitute of fire-arms
The muskets of that day had no bayonet; but soldiers were sometimes exercised in the use of the pike, a weapon consisting of a long wooden shaft pointed with steel. New Haven, while requiring each soldier to be equipped with a musket at his own cost, provided pikes at the public expense.
"It is ordered that a convenient company and number of pikes be provided at the town's charge, that the military and artillery companies may be trained and exercised in the use of them, but no man hereby to be freed from providing, and at all times continuing furnished, with all other arms, powder, and shot, as before expressed; and that a chest be made in some convenient place in the meeting-house, to keep the said pikes from warping or other hurt or decay. And Thomas Munson and the rest of the sergeants undertool to have it done without delay; and Mr. Pearce was appointed to give out and lay up the pikes from time to time, that they receive no damage betwixt times of service; and in consideration hereof and of some bodily weakness, he is at present freed from training, and allowed to provide a man to watch for him."
In respect to defensive armor, the following order gives information: "It is ordered that when canvas and cotton-wool may conveniently be had, due notice and warning shall be given; and then every family within the plantation shall accordingly provide and after continue, furnished with a coat well made, and so quilted with cotton-wool as may be fit for service, and a comfortable defence against Indian arrows; and the tailors about the town shall consider and advise how to make them, and take care that they be done without unnecessary delay."
Capt. Turner was by virtue of his office chief captain of the watch, appointing the watch-masters and designating the watchmen to be subject to each, though
not without the approval of the magistrates. "It is ordered that a constant and strict watch shall be kept every night in this plantation from the first of March to the last of October every year ordinarily, leaving extraordinary cases, either of mildness or of sharpness of weather or times of danger, to the governor and magistrates, who may remit or continue the watch longer, or increase and order them as seasons and occasions may require. But in the ordinary course the watch is every night to consist of one intrusted as master of the watch (who is diligently to attend and observe all the orders made by this court for the watch while they remain in force), and of six other watchmen. This watch-master is to be appointed yearly, and the six watchmen to be sorted, as may be most convenient in respect of their dwellings, by the captain, with approbation of the magistrates. But if by death, remove, or any other occasion, after the watches are settled in their course for the year, a breach be made, and so cause of an alteration, the captain shall with all convenient speed order and settle them again, so as may be most convenient for the town, and shall give seasonable warning to all the watch-masters whom it concerneth, that the service may go on without interruption or disorder."
What the orders for the watch were, may be learned from the following record: "At a court holden the 3d of June, 1640, all the masters of the watches received their charge and orders as followeth:-
"1 The drummer is to beat the drum at the going down of the sun.
"2. The master of the watch is to be at the court of guard
within half an hour after the setting of the sun, with his arms complete.
"3. All the watchmen are to be there within an hour after the1 setting of the sun, with their arms complete and their guns ready charged; and if any of them come after the time appointed, or be defective in their arms, they are to pay one shilling fine; for total absence five shillings fine. And if the master of the watch transgress, either in late coming, defectiveness in arms, or total absence, his fine is to be double to the watchmen's fine in like case.
"4. The master of the watch is to set the watch an hour after sunset, dividing the night into three watches, sending forth two and two together to walk their turns, as well without the town as within the town and the suburbs also, and to bring to the court of guard any person or persons whom they shall find disorderly or in a suspicious manner within doors or without, whether English or Indians, or any other strangers whatsoever, and keep them there safe until the morning, and then bring them before one of the magistrates. If the watchmen in any part of their watch see any apparent common danger which they cannot otherwise prevent or stop, then they are to make an alarm by discharging their two guns, which are to be answered by him that stands at the door to keep sentinel, and that also seconded by beating of the drum. And if the danger be by fire, then with the alarm the watchmen are to cry fire, fire. And if it be by the discovery of an enemy, then they are to cry arm, arm, all the town over, yet so as to leave a guard at the court of guard.
"5. The master is to take care that one man always stand sentinel in a sentinel posture without the watch-house, to hearken diligently after the watchmen, and see that no man come near the watch-house or court of guard; no, not those of the present watch who have been walking the round, but that he require them to stand, and call forth the master of the watch to question, proceed, or receive them, as he shall see cause. The master of the watch is also to see that none of the watchmen sleep at all, and that none of their guns remain uncharged till the watch break up (and then they may discharge), and also that no man lay aside his arms while the watch continues.
"6. Every master of the watch in his course is to warn both his own watch and the master of the succeeding watch, four and twenty hours before they are to watch, and not to do it slightly, but either to do it themselves or to leave the warning with some sufficient for such a trust.
"Lastly. If any master of the watch shall fail either in the warning or ordering of the watch in any of the forenamed particulars, or shall break up the watch in the morning before it have been full half an hour daylight, or neglect to complain to one of the magistrates of the neglects or defects of any of the watchmen he is to be fined by the court according to the quality of his offence."
In 1645 "it is ordered that the market-place be forthwith cleared, and the wood carried to the watch-house, and there piled for the use and succor of the watch in cold weather, and the care of this business is committed to the four sergeants." From a record four years later it appears that this work of clearing the market-place was to be performed by the inhabitants, each working in his turn either personally or by proxy; that some trees were then still standing; and that some of the inhabitants had not yet done their share of the labor. Probably a wood-pile had been provided sufficient for "the use and succor" of the watch for four years; after the lapse of which time "it was propounded that some wood might be provided for the watch. The sergeants were desired to inquire who hath not wrought in the market-place, that they might cut some wood out, and in the meantime the treasurer was to provide a load."
"In 1647 it was propounded that men would clear wood and stones from their pale sides, that the watchmen in dark nights might the more safely walk the rounds without hurt thereby."
On sabbath and lecture days and other days ordinary and extraordinary, of solemn worship, the watch was kept as at night.
"The sentinels and they that walk the round in their course, shall diligently attend their trust and duty, and shall have their matches lighted during the time of meeting, if they serve with matchlock pieces."
At first all who belonged to the watch, that is to say all persons subject to military service, were required to come every Lord's day to the meeting completely armed; and all other adult males were required to bring their swords, "no man exempted save Mr. Eaton, our pastor, Mr. James, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and the two deacons." Afterward, when the military company had been divided into four squadrons, it was ordered that one squadron in its course should come to public worship with arms complete, and "be at the meeting-house before the second drum hath left beating, their guns ready charged with a fit proportion of match for matchlocks, and flints ready fitted in their firelock pieces, and shot and powder for five or six charges at least." Such an order must have secured for each service of public worship a guard of fifty full-armed men, and one hundred and fifty more equipped with swords. However, one of the rules of the artillery company requiring that "every one of this company purposely coming to any general or particular court, or to the ordinances at any public meeting, whether on the Lord's days, lecture days, days of solemn fasting or thanksgiving, shall carry and wear his sword by his side," affords ground for an inference that the order requiring the whole adult male population to
wear their swords, had in 1645 been repealed or become inoperative.
The other plantations conducted their military affairs in a manner similar to that of New Haven. Indeed, the colony laws concerning military affairs so closely resemble those of the principal plantation as to suggest a common origin. They specify the arms with which every male within the jurisdiction shall be equipped; require that "every captain or chief officer chosen in any of the plantations, for the military affairs, shall from time to time be propounded to the next general court after he is chosen, for approbation and confirmation;" enjoin inspection of arms "once in each quarter of a year at least, but oftener if there be cause;" provide that "there shall be every year at least six training days;" order that "a fourth part of the trained band in every plantation shall in their course come constantly to the worship of God every Lord's day, and (such as can come) on lecture days; to be at the meeting-house at latest before the second drum hath left beating, with their arms complete, their guns ready charged, their match for their matchlocks and flints ready fitted to their firelock guns, with shot and powder for at least five shots besides the charge in their guns;" and "that a strict watch be kept in the night in all the plantations within this jurisdiction." Exemption from military duty is defined as follows; viz.: "Upon consideration of public service and other due respects, it is ordered that all magistrates within this jurisdiction, and teaching elders, shall at all times hereafter be freed, not only in their persons, but each of them shall have one son or servant, by virtue of his place or office, freed from all
watching, warding, and training. And it is further ordered that all elders, deputies for courts intrusted for judicature, all the chief military officers (as captains, lieutenants, and ensigns), the jurisdiction treasurer, deacons, and all physicians, school-masters, and surgeons, allowed by authority in any of these plantations, all masters of ships and other vessels above fifteen tons, all public millers constantly employed, with others for the present discharged for personal weakness and infirmity, shall, in their own persons, in time of peace and safety, be freed from the said services. And that all other seamen and ship- carpenters, and such as hold farms above two miles from any of the plantations, train only twice a year at such times as shall be ordered either by the authority or by the military officers of the plantation. But all persons freed and exempted from the respective services as before, shall yet in all respects provide, keep, and maintain in a constant readiness, complete arms, and all other military provisions as other men; magistrates, and teaching elders excepted, who yet shall be constantly furnished for all such sons and servants as are hereby freed from the forementioned services."
The artillery company at New Haven seems in later years to have become so far a colonial company that "Mr. Chittenden of Guilford" was one of its sergeants. A company of troopers was organized in 1656. "It is ordered that sixteen horses shall be provided and kept in the five towns upon the main, in this jurisdiction, with suitable saddles, bridles, pistols, and other furniture that is necessary toward the raising of a small, troop for the service of the country, in an equal pro-
portion as they can be divided, according to the estate of each plantation, which is as followeth: Six from New Haven, four from Milford, two from Stamford, and four from Guilford and Branford, and that the persons who shall freely undertake or be appointed thereunto, shall be free from rates, both for their persons and the said horses, also from training with the foot company, and from any press for themselves and horses to other public service, and shall have what other privileges are granted to troopers in the Massachusetts or Connecticut colonies, provided that such men who shall be appointed to this service shall be diligent in the use of all due means to fit themselves and horses for the same at home in their several plantations, after which this Court will consider how they may be improved in a public way of training."
At the same court it was "ordered, that, for the encouragement of soldiers in their military exercise, every plantation shall provide a partisan for their lieutenant, colors for their ensign, halberds for their sergeants, with drums fit for service, with a certain number of pikes, as hereafter expressed. New Haven being furnished, Milford is to have sixteen pikes, Stamford sixteen, Guilford twelve, Southold and Branford eight apiece; and, further, that half a pound of powder for every soldier be allowed by every town out of their town rate, once in a year, to the chief officer, to be by him bestowed upon them, according to their due deserts, to be spent as he shall order, by shooting at a mark three times in a year, for some small prize which each town shall provide, in value not above five shillings a time, and not less than two shillings sixpence, which
shall be ordered either to one or more, as the officer shall appoint; and that each town provide a good pair of hilts for soldiers to play at cudgels with; and that they exercise themselves in playing at backsword, &c.; that they learn how to handle their weapons for the defence of themselves and offence of their enemies; and that the deputies of each plantation speak to the teaching elders there to take some fit opportunity to speak to the soldiers something by way of exhortation to quicken them to a conscientious attendance to this duty; and that soldiers in time of their vacancy do exercise themselves in running, wrestling, leaping, and the like manly exercises, the better to fit their bodies for service and hardship; and that all other exercises, as stool-ball, ninepins, quoits, and such like games be forbidden, and not to be used till the military exercise of the day be finished, and the company dismissed from that service."
The colony of New Haven, though always prepared for war, had no opportunity for great or brilliant achievements. The Indians in their immediate neighborhood were, peaceable and friendly; and though tribes more remote sometimes threatened hostilities against the whole European population of New England, and though war with the Dutch was at one time imminent, yet the period of which our history treats, exhibits no battles like those of the Pequot war immediately preceding it, or of the wars subsequent to the union with Connecticut.
There was no disturbance at all during the first five years. The union of the towns into a colony, and of
the four colonies into a confederation, was hastened by portents of a general war with the Indians. The same year in which the union was consummated, the commissioners of the United Colonies, feeling that they were under obligation to defend Uncas, the sachem of the Mohegans, and the ally of the English, from the vengeance of the Narragansets, requested Connecticut and New Haven to undertake this service. Accordingly six soldiers were sent from New Haven to Norwich in a shallop, "to join with eight from Hartford for Uncas's defence against the assaults which may be made upon him by the Narraganset Indians." This squad of soldiers remained with Uncas till messengers from the commissioners of the United Colonies had for the moment dissuaded the Narragansets from their hostile purposes against the Mohegans. Two years later, the Narragansets, having in violation of their promise resumed hostilities, assistance was again sent to Uncas from New Haven and from Connecticut. These auxiliaries remained with him several months. A special meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies being meanwhile called, they determined that an immediate war with the Narragansets was both justifiable and necessary. New Haven was required to send thirty of the three hundred soldiers composing the army of invasion. In three days after the declaration of war, a company of forty men ready to march was raised in Massachusetts, as the first fruits of her quota of one hundred and ninety men. The arrival at Mohegan of this advanced company, relieved the Connecticut and New Haven men so long absent from their homes on garrison duty; and the spirited preparations made by
the English induced the Narragansets to sign articles of peace, which made it unnecessary for New Haven to send her quota to the war. From time to time the Narragansets broke and renewed their promises, till, in King Philip's war, which occurred after the union of New Haven with Connecticut, they were driven from their territory, never to repossess it.
Simultaneously with the first of the expeditions to Mohegan, there was danger in the west as well as in the east; the Dutch being involved in an Indian war, and the Indians being not careful to distinguish between Dutch and English. The same month in which the shallop was sent to Norwich, the Dutch governor proposed that one hundred soldiers should be raised out of the English plantations, and led by Capt. Underhill(*) of Stamford, to assist the Dutch against the Indians, promising to pay the whole expense by bills of exchange
(* Capt. John Underhill, formerly of Boston. After, if not in consequence of, the preaching of antinomianism at Boston, he fell into the vilest immorality, and found it expedient to change his residence. Removing first to Piscataqua, he came afterward to Stamford. There he was well received on account of his professional ability, the town agreeing to pay him a salary as their captain; and the jurisdiction, upon his application for a loan of £20 to supply his present occasions, ordering that if the lending of this £20 may be a means to settle the captain, and if they conceive his settlement may tend to their comfort and security, and if the town of Stamford will see the said sum duly repaid, the jurisdiction is willing to lend the said sum to prevent the snares of larger offers for his remove." Very soon, however, after this endeavor to retain him in the colony of New Haven, Underhill was secured by the Dutch, and intrusted with the chief command in the war they were waging with the Indians. After some good service rendered on Long Island, he led a force of one hundred and thirty men to Greenwich, surprised an Indian village in the night, and, by a terrific slaughter, almost equalling in the number of the slain that in which he had been a principal actor at Mystic fort, persuaded the natives to terminate a conflict in which they were so inferior to their foes.)
into Holland. Stamford, being nearest to the scene of danger, was disposed to join with the Dutch in chastising the merciless savages. But the General Court, "not clearly understanding the rise and cause of the war, and remembering that they Could not make war without the consent of the other confederate colonies, did not see how they might afford the aid propounded without a meeting and consent of the commissioners for the rest of the jurisdictions. But if peace be not settled this winter, so soon as the commissioners may meet in the spring, both the ground of the war and the aid or assistance desired may be taken into due consideration; and if in the mean time there be want of corn for men and food for cattle, in supply of what the Indians have destroyed, these plantations will afford what help they may."
We hear nothing more of the proposal that the English should join with the Dutch to chastise the Indians. On the contrary, we find the Dutch, a few years afterward, when their own troubles had come to an end, charged with selling fire-arms to the Indians, and inciting them to hostilities against Connecticut and New Haven, between which colonies and the Dutch there were some matters in dispute. This quarrel was still further inflamed when news came of war between Holland and England, so that in the spring of 1653 the commissioners of the United Colonies, by a vote of seven to one, declared war against the colony of New Netherlands, having, as the majority believed, sufficient evidence that the Dutch governor had plotted with the Indians for the destruction of the English. In the autumn, by a similar vote of seven to one, they
declared war against Ninigret, sachem of the Niantics But the General Court of Massachusetts, nullifying the action of the commissioners, on the ground that the evidence of a plot was insufficient, refused to contribute her quota of "troops. The General Court of New Haven jurisdiction, declaring that the Massachusetts General Court and Council "have broken their covenant with us in acting directly contrary to the articles of confederation," saw themselves "called to seek for help elsewhere," and could "conclude of no better way than to make their addresses to the State of England." Connecticut joined with them, and the appeal was successful. Cromwell, listening to their declaration, that, "unless the Dutch be either removed or subjected, so far at least that these colonies may be freed from injurious affronts, and secured against the dangers and mischievous effects which daily, grow upon them by their plotting with the Indians, and furnishing them with arms against the Eriglish, and that the league and confederation betwixt the four united English colonies be confirmed and settled according to the true sense (and, till this year, the continued interpretation) of the articles, the peace and comfort of these smaller western colonies will be much hazarded," sent a fleet to subjugate New Netherlands.
The plan, as formed after the arrival of the fleet at Boston, was, to raise an army to cooperate with the ships, to consist of two hundred from Massachusetts, two hundred from the ships, two hundred from Connecticut, "and one hundred and thirty-three from this colony, which the Court must; now agree to raise in equal proportion, which was done as follows; viz.
From New Haven, fifty; from Milford, twenty-one; from Guilford, seventeen; from Stamford, twenty; from Southold, fourteen; from Branford, eleven; New Haven and Milford having one or two less in proportion than the rest, because of seamen that are to go from thence, which, if not provided for, will put them above their proportion. Of which one hundred and thirty- three, these officers were chosen: Lieut. Seeley, captain; Lieut. Nash, lieutenant; Richard Baldwin, of Milford, ensign; Sergt. Munson, Sergt. Whitehead, Sergt. Tibballs, of Milford, and Sergt. Bartlett, of Guilford, sergeants; Robert Basset, chief drummer, and Anthony Elcott to be under him; Mr. Augur, and John Brockett, surgeons; and Mr. Pierson is chosen and appointed to ga along with this company as their minister, for their encouragement, spiritual instruction, and comfort; and the corporals are, Corp. Boykin, John Cooper, Henry Botsford of Milford, and Thomas Stevens of Guilford; but this last is only for this present service, and that he proceed no higher in any other office, because he is not a freeman, and that the chief military officer be acquainted with it."
The caveat of the Court, in respect to Corp. Stevens, illustrates the care taken by the New Haven Colony to commit military authority to none but church-members. For some reason, - perhaps for the reason that no church- member could be found who would willingly go, - an exception to the rule was allowed in this instance; but Corp. Stevens was made to understand that he could rise to no higher office, and that his rank would cease when the expedition returned.
"The Court, considering the great weight of this business, and that all good success depends upon God's blessing, did therefore order that the fourth day of the next week shall be set apart by all the plantations of this jurisdiction, to seek God in an extraordinary way, in fasting and prayer, for a blessing upon the enterprise abroad, and for the safety of the plantations at home.
"The Court considered of what provisions were necessary to send forth with these men for a month, and agreed upon six tuns of beer, six thousand biscuits, nine barrels of pork, six barrels of beef, four hogsheads of pease, three hogsheads of flour, six-firkins of butter, five hundred (pounds) of cheese, three anchors of liquor, trays, dishes or cans, pails, kettles; and that every man have a good firelock musket, with other arms suitable; a knapsack, with one pound of powder, and twenty-four musket bullets, or four pounds of pistol shot; and, for a stock beside, in the whole, two barrels of powder, three hundred weight of musket bullets, and one hundred weight of pistol shot, with twenty spades and shovels, ten axes, and ten mattocks."
"It is ordered that the charges of soldiers, horse or foot, wherever provided for, shall be at the jurisdiction's charge in equal proportion."
"It is ordered that the magistrates and deputies at New Haven shall be a committee to order matters which concern this design, but cannot now be foreseen, as occasions present, and what they do is to stand good as if the Court did it."
"It is ordered that Johnson's lighter, shall be pressed to attend the service, for transporting of men and provisions as there is occasion."
"It is ordered that all vessels which come into any harbor in this jurisdiction, which may be fit to attend this service, shall be made stay of for the same, on behalf of the commonwealth of England, till further order."
"It is ordered that as soon as the army is past, watching and warding shall begin in an extraordinary way, as may suit with every town's conveniency and safety, and then all Indians are to be restrained from coming into any of our plantations without leave."
These preparations for war were ordered on the 23d of June, the governor having on that day "acquainted the Court with some letters he had received from Mr. Leete from Boston, informing that the design against the Dutch is like to go-on." But the design did not go on, for in a few days came news of peace concluded between England and Holland. At the next session held July 5, "the governor informed the Court that there were with him this day since dinner two men, sent as messengers from the Dutch governor, to inquire of the truth of the peace which they hear by report is concluded betwixt England and Holland, who desired that two or three lines might be sent to certify the same; which the Court desired the governor to do, and ordered that a copy of the proclamation should be sent also; both which were presently done, and the messengers dismissed."
New Haven being thus restrained from executing her design against the Dutch, turned her attention to Ninigret, who, emboldened by the nullifying attitude of Massachusetts, was preparing to destroy the Indian tribes friendly to the English. In August she despatched Lieut. Seeley, Connecticut sending also Capt. Mason, to carry a present of powder and lead to the Montauk Indians, on Long Island, and explain that with it they were "not to offend or hurt Ninigret or any other Indians, but to defend themselves if they are invaded." At the meeting of the commissioners in September, Massachusetts consented, though, as the result showed, not very heartily, to active hostilities against Ninigret. It was determined to raise an army of forty horsemen and two hundred and sixty footmen,
the quota of New Haven being thirty-one. Sixteen of these were immediately sent, with two seamen to carry them and their provisions by water, eight from New Haven, three from Milford, three from Stamford, two from Guilford, and two from Branford.
The Court also "agreed of provisions to be sent for a month as followeth: Six barrels of beer, five hundred pounds of bread, one barrel of beef, one barrel of pork, one hundred pounds of cheese, one barrel of pease, and three gallons of strong water; with every man two pounds of powder and shot answerable, for a stock; besides one pound of powder and shot answerable, which every man is to carry with him; with some coats, every man his knapsack and musket, and other fit arms for the service; six trays, six dishes, and one kettle; and for the chief officer for this colony in this service, the Court chose Lieut. Seeley, and Sergt. Jeffrey for sergeant; and the other fifteen men are to be forthwith pressed, that they may be in readiness to attend further service if they be called to it."
The 13th of October being the time agreed upon for the meeting of the troops from the different colonies at the place of rendezvous, it was "ordered that upon the twelfth day of this month, being the fifth day of the week, shall be a day of humiliation to seek God for a blessing upon this enterprise in hand."
Contrary to the wishes of New Haven and of Connecticut, no fighting was done by the troops thus sent against the sachem of the Niantics. Willard, the commander-in-chief, receiving his appointment from Massachusetts, seems to have been as reluctant to engage in hostilities as the power which appointed him. The
commissioners, at their next meeting nearly a year afterward, censured him for his inactivity, and referred the matter to the General Courts of the several colonies. New Haven, in response, expressed the opinion that he had not obeyed his instructions, but declined to propose any penalty till the other colonies had acted. They were powerless to punish a citizen of Massachusetts whose conduct Massachusetts approved, even if she had not, as Trumbull charges, predetermined it.
The failure of the expedition against the Niantics made it necessary to employ an armed vessel to cruise in the Sound, "to hinder Ninigret from going against the Long Island Indians." The vessel was commanded by John Youngs, son of the pastor at Southold (a plantation belonging to New Haven), and four men were sent with him by vote of the jurisdiction. This service continued about a year, and seems to have effectually prevented the hostile incursions of Ninigret into Long Island.
With this exception, there seems to have been no military service required by the New Haven colony from the time of the Niantic expedition to the union with Connecticut, other than the regular trainings in each plantation; though for several years immediately subsequent to that expedition, wars between Indian tribes excited frequent alarms among the English, and stimulated them to unusual diligence in military exercise.
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