A BRITISH SUBJECT'S RECOLLECTIONS OF THE CONFEDERACY
WHILE A VISITOR AND ATTENDANT
IN IT'S HOSPITALS AND CAMPS

By Mary Sophia Hill
Published Baltimore: Turnbull Brothers - 1875

Respectfully Dedicated to the Louisianians Who Wore the Grey.


p. 5 How well do I remember all the excitement attendant upon the State of Louisiana seceding from the Union! Ay, as well as if it were to-day; though little dreaming at the time I should have been in any way mixed up in the trouble that followed. As it's very commencement, an old acquaintance of ours, whom we always believed to be a good Southern man, being by birth a Marylander, came near being tarred and feathered for saying Louisiana had the right to secede, and might as well, if she felt so inclined. At the time of the occurrence I did not know the gentleman was even in the city of New Orleans, until he rapped my brother and myself up at night, where I kept a school on Prytania Street, and begged of us the shelter of our roof, to keep him, perhaps, from being lynched. His statement was, that early in the evening he made the remarks above stated, shortly after which he was waited upon by a committee of gentlemen at St. James Hotel, who ordered him to quit the city. The excitement was so great he had to go out the back way, and so to the Jackson Railroad, where he took the cars. But after proceeding some distance he found he could not go on, as, owing to heavy rains, bridges were washed away and the railroad damaged. So he thought he would risk a return to the city and our house, where he arrived in the middle of the night. I kept him several days; then, in company with my brother saw him safe on board a steamer for Memphis. I append his letters, afterwards received. However, this same gentleman turned renegade to the South, and like all who did so, of course for filthy lucre, joined the North and was captain of a battery. His name was Levi H. Harris, traveler for the house of Fahnestock & Co.

Gayoso House, Memphis, Tenn., Dec. 5, 1860
Dear Miss Hill: Arriving here yesterday, at 5pm, I thought I would leave the boat, and have had the assurance to stop over one day. My treatment has greatly amused my numerous friends here; they say if my views are Black Republican, they wish they had more of it, and would be glad to have me live here. They want no more ardent supporter of Slavery than I am and always

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have been. I trust your health is quite good. Please make my respects to your brother, and remembering with pleasure your kindness to me, I am, very sincerely, your friend,
L. H. Harris

Pittsburgh, Pa., 14th January 1861
My Dear Miss Hill: After a somewhat erratic course, and one or two forwardings, your letter of 22d ultimo gave me the pleasure of its perusal, and I can assure you I enjoyed a hearty laugh over a part of its contents. I regret that I should have been the means of bringing you so near to cold- water bath. I received a letter from Mr. Walthall some weeks since, and also a copy of the Mobile Daily Tribune, of Dec. 7th, in which appeared his article in vindication of me. I was most heartily and warmly received on my arrival here, and also have met with very flattering receptions wherever I have visited my friends in the Northern and Western States since my return from your city. My case has been trumpeted throughout the entire North and West by nearly all of the newspapers, and has given me considerable notoriety.
They all stand up for me, and denounce the treatment I received in the South. That one affair has done more to the injury of the South and alienate their friends from them, than any one could possibly imagine would arise from so trifling an affair. The Republicans have made great capital out of it, from the fact that it is so well known that I am an extremist in my views in favor of slavery. They say if the South is disposed to maltreat their best friends and defenders in this way, they are unworthy of Northern friendship.
In one of the Western cities that I visited, as soon as my arrival was known, it was publicly announced in the daily papers, in the editorial columns, as though I was some distinguished personage.
In the North the feeling is now very much intensified, and they feel that they have been driven to it by the disposition shown recently in the South. It is only very recently that there has been any opposition towards the South, but now I am utterly astonished to find so many persons rising up in indignation against them. I am still, as heretofore, a pro-slavery man, but find that I have a "hard row to hoe".
The north is almost a unit in favor of coercion, and this one State proposes to furnish $10,000,000 in aid of the coercion movement. New York will, if necessary, furnish as much or more; and as to men, these two states will at short notice furnish 600,000, well armed and equipped.
These are times when the real wealth of the North shows itself. I have been very much surprised to find so little bad effect of the hard times; there is really nothing of a panic or crisis here, compared to that existing South. You may depend upon it, the South will get the worst of it if it comes to a fight. I am greatly pained to see so much division and alienation between the North and South.

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It would be treason for me to send you any of the Pittsburgh papers, or rather it would be as much as your neck is worth to get them from your office. I will, however, send you occasional papers, when I get those that I think would be safe for you to receive. I can send you the Philadelphia and New York papers, when I get over there.
I expect to go over to Philadelphia in a week. I am anticipating some pleasure from a trip I am about to make through New York State and Canada.
Very cordially, &c.,
L. H. Harris

When, from another letter, Mr. Harris tried to justify himself to me for turning a traitor I re-enclosed the letter to him, as I wanted no further acquaintance with such a man.
In my eyes, the only blot I ever saw in the sunny South was slavery; but as a stranger, an alien, I had no right to meddle; but a Southern man to go back on his country in her need, it was base and I regret I did not leave him to run the gauntlet a second time of the Vigilance Committee.

Scraps from my Diary
New Orleans, La.
June 8, 1861. Called upon Col. Seymour and Doctor McKelvy, who both gave me permission to attach myself to the medical staff, with the understanding I was to attend to the sick and wounded. My brother, S. W. Hill, was a member of Co. F, Sixth Louisiana regiment, and my first object was, really to look after him; as I considered it was through a quarrel he and I had that he joined, and I felt I would have his death to answer for if he fell, or died or neglect. So, having no particular ties; being, as the law has it, a femme sole, I made my mind to this humane calling;
first, to look after my only brother, and , in doing so, to superintend the nursing of all the sick of his regiment. I was and still am, and ever will be, a British subject, and I never dreamed, for one minute, but that in all difficulties, Federal as well as Confederate, I would be considered neutral and a non-combatant, and that my flag would be respected. On the 8th of June, therefore, I started for Virginia. Was introduced to Lieutenant and Mrs. Buttrick, of the Orleans Rifles, Major James, and others, who were very kind to me. The officers of Co. F, to which my brother was attached, were old friends of ours.
11th. Breakfasted at Chattanooga. I thought the people inhospitable, and more Northen than Southern.
13th. Rested at Bristol and Woodbury, where the railroad divides Tennessee and Virginia.
14th. Reached Lynchburg. Made some acquaintances. Country beautiful.
15th. Very warm. All preparing for a start to Manassas Gap. My brother is, I think, already tired of soldiering, theory and

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practice being two very different things. He will be apt to appreciate in the future, home and the British flag.
16th. Still at Lynchburg.
17th. Started for Manassas; arrived same evening.
19th. Climate quite chilly. We are within 27 miles of Alexandria.
20th. My brother quite miserable at the step he has taken. I am so glad I made up my mind to look after him.
21st. Had quite a chat with the Col. and Doctor. A dreadful storm; I was nearly blown out of my tent.
22nd. Doctor McKelvy set me to work, as several were sick.
23rd. Very warm; still at Manassas. Tried to get Sam changed from Co. F; no chance at present.
24th. Left Manassas for Fairfax. Settled by evening.
26th. Very warm. A good many sick; Dr. McKelvy prescribing.
27th. Ten men sick with measles. One man of Tensa's Rifles missing; he was on picket-guard. We have several of Ellsworth's Zouaves scouting around all day. Asked Major James to put my brother at work he understood better than fighting.
29th. Doctor got an empty house, and we have made a hospital of it. Moved to-day; it is half a mile from the regiment. I have plenty to do, as a great many are sick, and particularly men from the country companies suffer with the measles. I used to think all had this disease as children, but I find my mistake, as half these men have it, and have it much worse than children. Poor fellows! how sorry I fell for them, away from their kindred, and with so few comforts. I must try and do all I can for them.
30th. Very busy with the sick.
July 1st. Very wet. Sam here in the morning. About thirty sick. Doctors McKelvy and Robertson here. An Alabama regiment that volunteered for three months disbanded; they gave us a fue do joie at parting.
4th men badly off for clothes. The uniforms brought from Louisiana are such a mere rag, they have already to patch; and as there is no choice of color or material, anything is put on to fill up a rent red the prevailing color. Just imagine a patch of this behind and on your knees! I find I will have to supply my brother with clothes; I have already sent for some. Mr. C. acts as hospital steward, dispenses the medicines, &c. he is a very selfish man, originally a dentist. He nearly poisoned a man; gave him the wrong mixture, and then had to drench him with emetics. He saved him from the poison, but the man is crazy. C. has a mania for dosing the men with calomel. I told Dr. McKelvy if he did not pul him up, not a man in the regiment would have a tooth in his head, as already several were salivated. This said C. was a Yankee in disguise. Well, he was retired, and a Mr. Hurley took his place a very competent apothecary and an amiable man. He was near-sighted, and came into office with only one glass in his spectacles, consequently I had to read the doctor's prescriptions for him. But it was a dangerous practice, my knowledge of Latin being limited; so I asked the good old doctor to furnish him with

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proper spectacles for his work. He acted so like the gentleman he was, sent for Mr. Hurley and casually observed, "Why, Mr. Hurley, what's amiss with your specs? I must see if I can supply the want; try these ( a fine pair, gold mounted). Do they suit" yes; pray accept them."
7th. Mr Cully died crazy, jumped out of the window in a fit of delirium; he belonged to the Sabine Rifles. Mr. Brisbane while on picket deserted. Sergeant de Maine killed. These are the first losses.
8th. Very warm. I am with the medical staff.
9th several new cases of fever. I feel so sorry for them. I will do all I can to help them not to miss mother or sister.
10th. An order, all sick go to Culpeper. My brother came at four o'clock in the morning to say the road was blockaded. At attack expected. We are quite on the outposts; it is the post of honor, it is the post of danger also. We have a strong picket-line, scouts, and all the other &c. Heard the long-roll beat for the first time; it gave every one about the hospital a start. I had a light in my tent, which the cook in terror begged me to quench. Poor McCune, he was a character; so was his assistant Conroy, a ci-devant dancing-master of New Orleans. Conroy catered for our mess. He had a weakness for roast pig, so he often had them nicely stuffed for dinner. I suspect Elsy, who lived near us must have missed many of his scouting brigade. While at this hospital the men had plenty of fruit; the finest blackberries I ever saw grew here, and if you had a weakness for mint-juleps, where would you get such mint? Let me relate a little occurrence while on this subject. One day the 6th La. Regiment was drilling in a field near by. When the exercises had concluded, the officers rode up to the hospital, and asked, had we anything to give them to drink? Major James was spokesman. I promptly answered yes, and handed him a bottle marked Old Cognac, which had been sent up that day with hospital supplies. The gallant Major handed it around, each taking a drink, some more, some less; of course they finished it, and rode off. Next morning when Dr. McKelvy came his rounds to the hospital, I was surprised to see a merry twinkle in the heretofore steady old gentleman's eye when he looked at me, and an explosion of laughter when, upon asking me what I had given the officers to drink the evening before, I said a bottle of brandy which had come with the medical stores. "Why," he replied, "it was cough mixture I sent in a brandy bottle, and you could have seen this in pencil-mark under Old Cognac." The principal ingredient of the mixture was tartar-emetic. Of course all who drank of it were dreadfully sick, and at first the doctor thought they were poisoned, until he heard of the drink at the hospital, when he as well as the officers felt sure it was a practical joke of mine, and were very wroth against me. Some time after I brought some good brandy, and offered it to my friends. All, like gentlemen, partook, to bury the hatchet, except my old friend Captain Monaghan, afterward Colonel, who could not be tempted. "No, Madam, I have taken my first and last drink in a hospital." He was the bravest of the brave, and had

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the kindest heart that ever beat. Near the close of the war he was killed by a random shot, after bravely going through nearly all the battles of Northern Virginia.
13th. At Camp Fairfax on the Potomac. Day very wet. Skirmishers slept on wet ground; my brother and our Dublin friend Edmonds of the number.
14th. Ordered to Manassas. Enemy at Aquia Creek. Expect an attack and retreat to Bull Run, five miles distant. Great dissension and dissatisfaction, there being no artillery. Some are quite indignant at coming so far, twelve hundred miles, to be put as skirmishers.
15th. Very fine. Left for Manassas. Campati Floyd gave up his tent to Mrs. Buttrick, myself and her little girl.
17th. Enemy made an attack; took Fairfax. Fassin, of Sabine's sick. Conley a prisoner.
18th. Glorious day. Confederates engaged at Bull Run. Enemy badly whipped; many taken prisoners.
19th. Troops crowding in. North Carolinians and Johnston's Brigade off to Bull run. Made soup for wounded. Sam is well' wrote to him, and sent eatables.
20th. Very warm. Great battle of Manassas expected. Was at hospital, but the wounded of Bull Run were all sent forward. Saw Lt hogan. Sam with Reserve a day and a half; yesterday he was missing. Had been in very low spirits; wrote to Col. Seymour and Dr, McKelvy if killed to get his body. Heard he was alright, and did his duty like a gallant soldier.
21st of June. Battle of Manassas began at half-past seven in the morning. Day very hot. Fighting all day.
22nd. Sunday. Plenty of prisoners taken and Sherman's whole battery captured; I saw it with my own eyes. Water very scarce; troops suffered awfully for want of it. When Johnston's men came in the morning, at their halt at Manassas, I sent them buckets of water and a bag of crackers, that they might not face their enemy black fasting. Spent day at hospital with Dr. Nott of Mobile, and Dr. Williams. Tied up and staunched the bleeding of many a poor fellow. I remember being asked by some to pick Minie balls out of their legs and arms, while they waited their turn of the doctors, who of course had to attend to the most serious cases first. They have not half supplies. I tore down all the window blinds, and rolled them into bandages; nor was there half hospital accommodations. I made good chicken-soup, and flew around generally. The sights of the wounded were fearful to look at; I was nearly wild with excitement, thinking, as each batch of wounded arrived, I might see my brother, or my Louisiana friends of Walker's Brigade. At night I heard Ewell's troops had not been engaged. The 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th Louisiana Regiments, commanded by General Walker, were this day under his control. Through some unforseen occurrence, non-delivery of orders, these troops were not engaged in the brunt of the battle; they only participated so far as to thoroughly rout the enemy. If I lived a hundred years I would never forget that day, when I saw human

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nature in all its noblest and all its meanest attributes. War is a fearful thing, but there is a sublimity in it, its booming cannon, its rattling musketry, and the glitter of its bayonet-charge. I heard and saw it all war in its grandeur, and war in its meanness. Deserters! Traitors! Fiends on such a day as this selling water! An order was issued, all Confederates were to wear on arm a badge of red. I tied on and sewed on soldiers, this eventful day, until my fingers ached, and I freely gave all the red material I was possessed of. There was a wealthy sutler who, taking advantage of this order of the badges, made all who had none, pay him in gold and silver for any moth-eaten old rag he chose to give; he was one of those who sold water. Well, he had his reward; he died a pauper in a hospital in New Orleans. Awful numbers killed and wounded on both sides. Some regiments terribly cut up, particularly the 4th Alabama and Georgia regiments. Met a Catholic priest.
23rd. Very wet. Saw my brother; gave him clean clothes and a square meal. Made coffee, as the most acceptable beverage, for all my Louisiana friends who came to see me. Helped again in the hospitals, and went to the cars to see the wounded off, who could be removed to Culpeper and Richmond. They were sent as carefully as circumstances would permit, but it was an awful sight to see the poor, mangled fellows, and so patient under their sufferings; not a murmur.
24th. Lovely day. Sam here again.
25th. Dr. McKelvy here. Lost all my clothes.
26th. Wanted Colonel Seymour to give my brother his discharge from the army. On the contrary, Drs. Robertson and McKelvy sent an ambulance for me to go up and renew my care of the sick at Union Mills, a lovely spot near Bull run. Picked up a dog, a great; named it Manassas. My brother is to be with me when not on duty, and to sleep at my quarters at the hospital.
28th. Very fine. Moved to Mitchell's Ford. Crossed Bull Creek, where the first battle was fought.
29th. My brother sick. Met Mr. Fisher, 7th Regiment. Came to camp; it looks very pretty when all the tents are lighted up.
30th. Wet. Most of the tents are flooded. Water scarce and bad. Being the scene of first battle, the dead are not half buried. I saw men kicking skulls about, until I made them bury them. A great deal of sickness; doctor, hospital-steward and myself very busy. We will have to find a healthier camping-ground.
31st. Heard to-day Federals allow from four to five thousand killed, wounded and missing. Met my old friend, Mr. Galbraight, of Washington Artillery, who has come from Brandy Station.
August 1st. Moved a mile further; ground for camping better, but water scarce and bad. General Ewell very much censured for not bringing up the reserve force into the battle at twelve o'clock, Sunday. Many lives would have been spared and many more prisoners taken; and if Beauregard had had cavalry to pursue to Washington, the war would have been ended, as the Northern troops were completely demoralised. The smell of the dead is awful in this camping-ground.

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2nd. Paymaster here; intense excitement prevails; men want clothes. My brother lost his; nevertheless he was ordered on dress parade. I had to go to his captain to ask, did he want him in rags? Everyone has begun to speculate; Captain F. in tobacco. Sergeant-Major J. Has brought forward another Jew to contract for soldiers' uniforms. Poor private soldiers, how you are imposed on! One woman will look after you, in sickness, at least, and from no selfish or speculating motive.
7th. Major James put a man in the guard-house for 48 hours for selling brandy, and served him right.
9th. Smell of death awful. I am worked to death, and quite sick from unhealthiness of the camp; but many of my patients are getting well, which quite cheers me.
10th Prince Napoleon passed through.
11th. Moved within a mile of Centreville.
12th. Men put a pretty arbor fence around my tent, which they shaded over; it looked very nice, and made the tent cool. And it was so kind of them to do it for me. But their kindness nearly killed me, as the structure was top-heavy; broke down while I was in bed, and nearly knocked the breath out of me. It was a fine moonlight night, and when I was able to scramble out, a good laugh set me all right, and my brother straightened up the tent. Next day my good friends made the structure less romantic but more substantial. My cook on a professional drunk.
15th. Made blackberry tea from blackberry roots, for diarrhea; poke-root ditto, for rheumatism. Dr. McKelvy found the herbs and roost of Virginia very useful in many ailments, and kept me busy concocting them.
16th letter from New Orleans. Captain Hanlin's wife came to camp; she spent the evening with me. Dr. McKelvy mailed my letters. Lieut.-Col Lay visited hospital. I paid for things I got for sick.
20th. Our hospital tents full of sick; I am always busy; the men are very grateful. Young Hodges, of the Sabine Rifles, died of inflammation of the spleen. A short time before his death, he called one of his comrades to him, and asked him to write to his mother, who was in England, an account of his death, and his reason for joining the Southern army; and to impress on his friend, he made him stoop down and kiss him, as a seal between them that the trust would be fulfilled. Lieut. Orr brought me thirty-four dollars, subscribed by the officers to help me in my work amongst the sick.
23rd. Doctor McKelvy introduced Mr. Mason Pilcher, of New Orleans to me; he was visiting Louisianians generally. He seemed to think I should have had better accommodation.
24th. My unlucky brother lost his belt and cartridge-box. He forgets that he is not out leveling or surveying, and that his chain-man is not near to take care of his traps. Some doctors visited us.
26th. Busy about hospital affairs from 5am to 9pm. I don't at all grudge it to the poor fellows.
29th. Orders to march at a minute's notice. It is said General Longstreet is engaged with the enemy, and has repulsed them.

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31st. Mr. Graham called to see me. Had a letter from Mrs. Marmion, from Culpeper, where she is nursing in the hospital, asking me to send on a Catholic clergyman to some sick and wounded who were not expected to live.
September 1st. Lovely day; sick recovering fast. Dr. McKelvy is a splendid physician, as well as a perfect gentleman in every sense of the word.
4th. A wedding in camp; Mrs. Fisher's nurse-maid, Eliza, married to Richardson, of Co. H. Great jollification; I did not go; I never go anywhere from my self-imposed duties at the hospital. Doctor notified me to be ready to move.
5th. Very wet. Mr. Mann, of Texas Rifles, died of typhoid fever. Letter to him from home, poor fellow! And a messenger from another regiment to say that his brother had just died.
7th. My cook left. I had extra work; called to ask the doctor if he could get Mrs. Marmion to attend the sick of the 7th Regiment, Col. H. T. Hays, commanding. Called on Col. Seymour. Mrs. Hanlin and Mr. Edmonds spend evening with me. We have only nine of the regiment sick; the 7th has 266, a great many with measles. They only muster 300 on parade in the 9th Regiment. Men raised in the country do not make hardy soldiers; those who knock round cities and towns are best, and can stand more fatigue and hardship, and the palm may be given for toughness to the Irish and Dutch.
9th. Wrote to Mrs. Marmion, to Culpeper, to come on and take charge of the sick of the 7th La. Regiment.
11th. Very ill myself. Mrs. Hanlin did my work and waited on me. My cook, Pat Ford was like a gentle good woman in his attention. He looks on me, as most of the private soldiers, as if I were their mother, and some of them call me so.
12th. Well again, and very busy. Day very hot; several men fainted on parade; two cases of sun-stroke.
16th orders to march, but did not start. Sharp cannonading all the morning. Major James visited the hospital. Two men fought, and one badly cut up.
17th. One of the Tensas refused to march; he was knocked down with a musket and cut badly. Nearly all his company turned out in great excitement to demand justice. He is now in hospital.
20th. Captain Hanlin visited hospital; I went to see Lieutenant Martin, who was sick in his tent.
22nd. Mrs. McGee, wife of a member of Co. F, had a baby. Dr. McKelvy officiated over the new recruit; of course I visited her, and prepared with my own hands what was necessary for her. Wrote to Mrs. Marmion, to Culpeper; she is nursing some of our men there. McKune shot a colonel at Centreville, for wanting to pass without giving the countersign.
25th. Mrs. Graham, the Adjutant's wife, spent the day with me. Captain Lanny, of Tensas Rifles, called and gave me forty dollars from the officers. Heard the picket-line was driven in at Numson's Hill, and there is to be a move to Germantown , two miles from

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Fairfax Courthouse; part of the regiment moved. Ward-master of hospital and a patient quarrelling. Night awful wet and stormy; blew quite a hurricane; nearly every tent blown down; hospital stood it, and well it did, as a great many half invalids had to join the sick. It was difficult to cook food for all. But here is scope for those of an ingenious turn of mind. My cook, Pat Ford, was, when sober, a No.1 so my patients were all well cared for and I provided Drs. McKelvy and Robertson with plenty to eat, and all in distress. Captain Buttrick called to see what my fate was in the storm. As we talked, in the tent we used to eat in, a fresh squall arose and down fell the tent, nearly smothering us. Well, Buttrick was an old campaigner of Nicaraguan celebrity, so he soon re-erected the structure, and my brother and others of his company put up the other tent, which caved in early in the day, drowning out my clothes and everything. When the storm abated, roaring fires were build, and we dried ourselves. As the men were so wet, an order was given for rations of whiskey. Consequences, nearly all were drunk and fighting. Ward-master and a little corporal went at it with bowie-knives, until I went in and separated them. Drunk as they were, they paid me the compliment of each giving up his knife when I demanded it. I had the doctor to put them under arrest until the whiskey evaporated. Mrs. White, a laundress of Co. F, a great curiosity, called on the doctor the morning of this eventful day, before he was up. "Doctor, doctor, jewel!" "What's the matter?" "Oh, for the love of Jasus, Doctor, jewel! Give me an order for a quart of whiskey for me and Tommy and the Dog. Our tint is blown down; we are wet to the skin, and all trimbling." Dr. Drew, Washington Artillery, visited our hospital. Hospital-steward and Ward-master fighting; whiskey the cause. Dr. R. took too much morphine, and is crazy. I am busy amongst my children. The mystery of life is strange; here am I, with no real ties but to my brother; with an army of a different country, to watch his welfare while a unit of it and watching over, in sickness and in death, the children of all alike. Well, I am interested in my work, and believe I have been the means of comforting and saving the lives of many. I am not even doing it for notoriety, not being one of the strong-minded.
29th. Regiment gone to Great Falls. Letter from my good rector, Rev. Charles Goodrich; and Col. Walthar, Dr. Drew, and Mrs. Graham called.
30th. Mrs. Graham here. I am quite ill; headache and chills, from the wetting and hardship I went through the other day in the storm. My brother gone to Centreville with one of his officers. Lost his blanket; he is always losing something which I have to replace.
October 1st. Brantley, of the Sabines, died. Captain MacArthur attended to his funeral; he is a gentleman who looked well to his men, who are nearly all from Sabine Parish. From this they take their name, "Sabine Rifles." Officers all are good material, and are not fighting for plunder, like the hordes of the North. My brother has a sore throat, caused by drinking too much bad

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whiskey. I wish it might so scald all who take it, to punish them for all the trouble they cause their relatives. Aa battle expected. S.W.H.'s throat still bad; I believe he is crazy. Shannon here all the time; neither of them were ever cut out for soldiers. What possesses such men to leave their national flag and their legitimate occupation to pursue the phantom Glory?
5th. Doctor here, and sent all convalescents to camp. Captain Hanlin called; his wife and Mrs. Graham going to Culpeper. Advised me to go; I refused. Sam off to camp at Germantown. As he is gone, I go down to sleep at Mrs. Somers' house, which was one of the Federals' headquarters before the battle of Manassas. Mrs. Somers is a widow, with two pretty daughters. Morning of the battle of Manassas the Federal officers left in great glee, and with a promise to return soon, victorious. Alas! it is proverbial promises are made to be broken Yankees brag. Mrs. Somers and her lovely daughters were my friends ever after. One married a Confederate, named Clarke and is now in California. We exchange courtesies with each other occasionally through mutual friends.
8th. Fighting going on all around, we can't tell where. Women and sick sent away. Mrs. Cohen, who was banished from New Orleans by Butler, was amongst the former; her husband belonged to the Washington Artillery. Awful storm. How my heart aches for the poor fellows exposed to it! Slept at Mrs. Somers'.
9th. Very cold. Hear the boom of the cannon, but don't know what's going on. Rumors enough.
10th. Note from Doctor. Met some of Hampton's Legion; I remember Lieuts. Marshal and Fanning. Met Mr. Barnes, who was a prisoner since June, and escaped. He has news and a map for General Beauregard.
14th. Lieut. Calloway thanked me for all my care and attention to the sick men of his company. Poor fellows! I am glad to have helped them. Sam just come in off picket; looks awful.
15th. Adjutant Graham and Captain Hanlin called.
16th. Brigade returned from Germantown. Gave the officers of the 6th breakfast; not very good, but the best I had. The were quite worn out with a night's march. Jackson, my cook, had a little pig, which he cooked so nice Dr. McKelvy asked was it mutton or veal? Col. Seymour replied, not to ask, as he believed it a nondescript. "Ah!" he says, laughing and looking at me, "I do believe you are learning camp tricks." Facts. Jackson shot a pig the evening before and ingeniously skinned it. Well, they had a breakfast; they enjoyed it, and I enjoyed seeing all so merry, and I now feel as sad, thinking nearly all have passed away, my kind, good, and true friends, Col. Seymour and Dr. McKelvy, of the number.
17th. Orders to fall back. Sam sick; have him in camp again. There is a box at Manassas for me from New Orleans. Captain

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Buttrick gave me a purse with ninety-three dollars, sent me by the officers. Wrote a letter of thanks.
29th. Captains Monaghan and Buckner called, also Von Callin, Washington Artillery.
30th. Ratcliffe, of Sabines, has typhoid fever. Conley called to see me. He is so grateful for my waiting upon him when sick. I have to administer the stimulants myself to patients as whiskey hardley ever goes to the party needing it. I suppose it gets spilled.
31st. With all our care, poor Ratcliffe died.
November 1st. Wet and stormy. Nearly all tents down.
2nd. Awful day.
4th. A great many sick. Dr. McKelvy thinks he will resign. Captain King looking after one of his men in hospital. No general engagement expected; all going into winter-quarters.
6th. Wet and stormy. Doctor ordered me a wall-tent.
7th. Cold and stormy. Officers to get a furlough of thirty days, after Jan. 1st., at their own expense. Brigade in Smith's Division. Major James on a detail. There is to be an election to fill the vacancy. Major James is every inch a soldier and a man; the change is regretted, but he and Lieut.-Col. Lay cannot agree. Major James told Lay, the last dispute they had, to take off his uniform, as superior in rank, until he would show him which was the man.
9th. Cold and wet. Camp moving. Many sick. Sent money to buy a warm coat for my brother.
10th. Doctor left. I sent a letter by him to New Orleans.
12th. Bright day. Several sick. Derby very ill. Hear cannon all day.
13th. A fight expected. Doctor says I had better not stay in camp for fear of a rout; but I will risk it. I am determined to keep my brother in view, and I have no other means of protection.
14th. Moved to the new camp. It is called Camp Stumps, from all the stumps of trees around. Forts everywhere; everything to remind you of war.
17th. Mrs. Lay sent four pair of drawers and two pair of socks for hospital, and my brother and self warm scarfs for neck. They were sent by the ladies of New Orleans, and are the first and last of the supplies sent out that I saw. Captain Christy elected Major; he is called "four eyes," as he wears spectacles. Captains Monaghan and Offut disappointed with result. Had a new wall-tent put up. Men built me a fire-place, and chimney in it. I and my brother are quite cosy. Splendid fire of evening, when I have time to enjoy it, or read or write as occasion offers.
23rd. Regiment off on picket. Very busy; a great many sick. Went to Centreville with Dr. Hurley, to shop and look about me.
24th. Captain Buckner and Lieuts. Ferron and Pilcher sick; waited on them. Heavy fall of snow.
25th. One-armed Ryan brought whiskey to camp; Colonel had him arrested and whiskey spilled. Grand review of troops. Letter

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from Mrs. B___; gave it to her husband. What a live she leads him! On a Captain's pay she wants him to live like a General. Regiment returned.
29th. Doctor asked me was it true I sent meals to prisoners? I said yes; I never could bear to think any one was hungry.
December 1st. Wrote to my dear friend, Rev. Charles Goodrich, to New Orleans. I was very busy. Day very cold. One of my old patients, Craig, returned from Culpeper. O'Neil very ill. Doctor ordered a chimney built in hospital.
5th. Sam gone to Manassas. Masterson of Calhoun Guards, dangerously sick. Two of Tiger Rifles, Wheat's Battalion, one of Rogers' gunners, Noel; a Virginian.
11th. Mrs. Hanlin spent the day with me.
12th. Bitter cold. Masters better. Camptin Monaghan gave me a hundred dollars to keep for him, and lieut. O'Connor one hundred and fifty dollars. I hope the bank won't be robbed.
15th. Sam on picket. Mrs. Hamlin slept in my tent.
16th. Doctor gave me old linen and underclothing sent from New Orleans for sick, and a dressing-gown for myself. I look like a Brigadier-General, at least, in it, when I don't put my brother's old green jacket over it.
17th. Camp moving. Tompkins has pneumonia, and is spitting blood, from an old wound opened by the coughing; Doctor said he would die. I begged for him not to be moved, and I would stay behind and do what was necessary for him; he did consent, and the man improved and did not die, and may be still living for aught I know.
21st. Very busy; hardly time to wash my face.
25th. Christmas day; no box.
26th. Went to Manassas. Sherwood very ill.
27th. Got my box at last. A warm coat for my brother, suitable clothing adapted to climate for myself, and all the materials to make a good English plum-pudding, which I made a few days after. I distributed freely; one I sent specially to the Colonel's and Doctor's mess, and more to Co. F, of which my brother was a member. Talking of my brother, he is a civil engineer by profession, was regularly educated and trained to it, and worked under such men as Isimbard Brunell and Sir John Stevenson on the English railroads, and in this country with Major Howell, U. S. Engineers, on survey of Mississippi, Major Bonney, Col. Campbell, and others. Well, one day he was appointed orderly to Col. Seymour; the officer making the appointment showed his knowledge of human nature, by asking could he read and write? Private S. W. Hill replied, eh believed he could a little. Just fancy this! a man who could make the finest maps, and this officer could hardly write his name. Soon after this Col. Seymour rides around my department one day, and asked if I wanted a furlough. I replied yes; private S. W. Hill and his sister. Reply granted to Miss Hill, but not to her brother; so Dr. Williams, of medical staff, gave me a present of transportation, and with the good wishes of

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officers and men I started South to see my sister, and get money from Ireland I was in receipt of since I was a traveller on the continent of America. My brother took me to Manassas Junction. Poor fellow! how sorry we were to part; however, we cheered each other, it was not for long, as I fully determined to return. I left several ladies in winter-quarters with their husbands. Col. Seymour was always opposed to officers' wives being in camp. He paid me the very high compliment of saying, I was the only woman who did good there, was useful, and made no noise about it. I travelled a good part of the way south in the same car with Genl. Jeff. Thompson, who was pleasant and agreeable; also some high official, who in a crowded hotel, got for me and a lady with me a good room and every attention. I reached New Orleans, and my sister's house, where I stayed. Saw Mr. James Freret, who was what we would call now head of Sanitary Commission, and Mr. Kernaghan, a British subject, acting under him. Mr. Freret ordered Mr. Kernaghan to send by me, anything sick Louisianians would need in the field. Two packing-cases were sent to me with "Hospital Supplies" printed on them to insure transportation. Mr. Kernaghan told me several packages of clothing were equally distributed amongst the supplies, the parties' names being on them. I had a box also for myself, in which were presents for my brother from friends, and I had a trunk with my clothes. To make a long story short, on leaving New Orleans, I asked Mr. T. W. Williams, Superintendent J. Railroad, for a bill of lading for them to Richmond, which was refused; consequence, one packing case stolen at Canton. I telegraphed and did all I could to recover it, but in vain. My own box was stolen at Charlotte, North Carolina. One packing-case I brought through, which was principally filled with clothes for private soldiers of different commands, all of which I sent them. I enjoyed my visit to New Orleans very much, although I did not get my money from Ireland, owing to the blockade. While in the city, Captain William Seymour, editing his father, Colonel Seymour's paper , the Bulletin, introduced me to Mr. Hiddleston, a British subject, who took me round to several merchants, friends of his, and in about an hour he collected and gave me, for the benefit of his old friend, colonel Seymour's regiment, about a hundred and fifty dollars; every cent of which I spent for their benefit, one way or another in Virginia. Captains Smith and Manning left New Orleans the same time I did. We travelled together, and they were, like all Southern gentlemen, most attentive to me. On arriving in Richmond, I put up at the Ballard House; saw the Surgeon-General, Dr. More, and then went on to Brandy Station to see my brother and my friends. He was well, but many friends were sick. Col. Seymour told me all the ladies had been sent away by order of General Dick Taylor, who then commanded the brigade. He was glad to see me and made me very welcome. I had plenty of news for him, from his son and his old friends. I had many presents in the box stolen

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from me at Charlotte, which I missed very much now, as they would have been very acceptable. My brother's quarters and mine were in an old house, and here I remained, doing what I could, until the route was given again. We halted at Orange Courthouse, at Culpeper, and finally I travelled in company with Major Wheat and my brother to Gordonsville, where orders awaited the Louisianians to prepare for fighting under General Stonewall Jackson. I then made up my mind to leave my brother and my friends, and to as visitor to the Richmond hospitals. I bade all good-bye, and so ended my being in any way attached to any military organisation, either as nurse or otherwise. I was free as a bird to go where I would and do as I liked.
April, 1862, I got to Richmond. I went to Louisiana College and boarded with Mr. and Mrs. Lindsey, who lived close to the hospital. At this time, all the sick and wounded from everywhere were sent to Richmond. Chimborazo Hospital and Camp Winder were being organized. The ladies being called upon to give their assistance, I called on Dr. Bratton, from South Carolina, at Camp Winder, and volunteered my services in any way I could be useful. He gave me the fourth division to superintend, and told the stewards to attend to any of my suggestions, and provide me anything I found necessary for the patients. I did not sleep at the camp. I returned at night to Mrs. Lindsey's, and went very early in the morning. I had more than a mile to walk. What a terrible sight it was at first to see this mass of humanity; but I was so soon busily engaged in trying to alleviate it that my nerves got steadied. Milk was very much needed for our patients, and it was very difficult to get. Although we advertised and offered the highest price. As Camp Winder had been originally an extensive common, on which cows were turned to graze, the idea struck me, as the owners would neither give the milk nor sell it, and as our sick were actually perishing for want of it, I should not be committing a very great sin by taking it; so I had the cooks to feed and milk all stray cows twice a day, morning and evening. On going round the wards with one of the doctors, after this, he says, "I understand you have improvised a dairy, and that you are short of milkers. If so, send for me, as I am a No. 1 hand." There were some Federal officers here wounded. I also made the acquaintance of Miss Sally Swope, a devoted nurse and friend of the Alabamians. When the fighting in the Valley of Virginia took place, I felt it my duty to go and look after my brother and Louisianians generally. Dr. Bratton let me go with great reluctance, and insisted upon giving me a very flattering letter, signed by several other doctors; so I left Richmond, intending to go to Winchester. On reaching Charlottesville, I heard Jackson had routed Banks and Milroy, and I met the wounded coming in. I also heard my brother was killed; so off I started for Staunton, nearly crazy. Here I met friends, who told me he was only wounded, and that he was on his way to Charlottesville. I returned to find he had

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passed to Lynchburg. I was in the waiting-room at the station when a gentleman accosted me, and asked if we did not meet near Centreville, where he came to inquire of me all the particulars of Mr. Mann's death, who had been a patient of mine at Camp Bienville. I remembered the circumstance. He shook me warmly by the hand, and asked me to remain where I was a few minutes. After a short delay he returned, accompanied by his mother and sisters, and after an introduction they insisted upon my going home with them, which I did; and from this sprung up a warm and lasting friendship. This lady's eldest daughter had been engaged to marry Mr. Mann, which gives a touch of melancholy romance to the whole thing. Same evening, with my new friends, I went to the University, which was made a hospital for the wounded. It was heart-rending sight to see the poor fellows. I met several friends badly hurt; Lieut. Martin, 6th Louisiana, and Captain Ripley, Tiger Rifles, Wheat's battalion, amongst them; all were badly off for underclothing. I told them I was going to Lynchburg after my brother, to get him transferred to Charlottesville, where I would be able to look after them all together. I went to Lynchburg and got the transfer for my brother, poor fellow! who was nearly dead. I bought underclothing for my friends, and returned to Mrs. Cox, who made us heartily welcome, and I set to work to do all I could. I provided material, Mrs. Cox the cooking. About twelve o'clock each day all the family started for the University, carrying provisions, and we did all that women of feeling could, and as far as our means and strength permitted. All the ladies of the surrounding neighborhood brought cooked food and every necessary. The are noble people the Virginians the women particularly so capable of making any sacrifice. There was one large garden where strawberries were to be had; we bought it out; many a man, parched with fever, was grateful to us for them. For my own part, I was so interested in the work I overtasked my strength, and had to be doctored myself. My brother on convalescing was ordered to Richmond to the Louisiana Hospital. I followed, and found by mistake he was sent to Chimborazo. I went after him, where I found Charley Mayers, who had his foot amputated; also many others, all of whom I helped some. I got my brother transferred as an out-door patient, I paying his board to friends close by the Louisiana Hospital. Jackson's troops at this time got to Richmond, when the Seven Days' fight began, and the Louisiana troops specially covered themselves with glory. The bravest of the brave was the 8th Brigade, or the Iron Clad, Jackson's food cavalry, who were conspicuous in every engagement. I attended now at Louisiana Hospital, and was kept busy. I was, I regret to say, absent when the body of my deer old friend, Col. Seymour, was brought in. He was killed at Gaines' Mill, acting as Brigadier-General. He was an old veteran of the Mexican War, and he died nobly, in defence of his home and all dear to him. Far better die battling for the right than to have lived to see the sad, sad end of might tramp-

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ling right in his adopted State. The Colonel's body was taken to Lynchburg for temporary burial, the citizens, the ladies particularly, paying all respects to the honored remains. Captains Walshe and Pilcher were brought in wounded, Pilcher shot in stomach, Walshe in foot. Lieut. Michell had his leg amputated. Poor Captain Heffernan was wounded in the stomach from a shell. Poor fellow! What a patient sufferer! I saw him breathe his last; had him nicely laid out with flowers round his bier, placed there by Virginia's fair daughters. Dr. Formento had done, while life remained, all that the accomplished and skilful surgeon could do. I gave Captain Heffernan's ring and a lock of his hair to Mrs. Mason Pilcher, afterwards to be given to his family. While on the subject of nursing, I might mention scores who passed under my ministration. Doctor Formento was surgeon in charge of Louisiana Hospital; next Dr. Young and Dr. Cook, the latter a noble man, and a great favorite. The Sisters of Charity presided at main building; my duties were at the officers' quarters. Though our religion differed, they complimented me by saying our work was the same, a work of love and charity; the only real difference was our dress. I obliged them afterwards by calling for them at Charity Hospital and St Elizabeth's Asylum. Doctor Formento reported my brother unfit for service in the field, so he was ordered to report to Captain A. H. Campbell of the Engineers. He was employed in his department, making maps for the generals in the field, where he was far more efficient than as a soldier, he being an accomplished draughtsman, trained under such men as the planner of the Great Eastern and the Thames Tunnel. Well, a weight was off my mind when this change took place, as up to this time I was haunted by the idea, if he were killed in battle I would have his death to answer for. I had letters far and near asking me to look up soldiers dead or alive, so I visited members of Washington Artillery, Heningsen Hospital, also Ladies' Institute, and various warehouses. My lady friends accompanied me, and we took fans and mosquito netting to keep off flies from wounds, bought delicacies and everything possible. I wrote hundreds of letters, dictated often by dying men, and took them to Col. Ould's office, Confederate officer of exchange, to be sent to Major Mulford, the Federal officer, a perfect gentleman, who always most honorably forwarded them. I had many friends prisoners at Point Lookout, Johnston's Island, and Fort Delaware. As I was sister, aunt, cousin to them all for the War, of course I wrote to them. I attended Rev. Dr. Minegerode's church, but was acquainted with clergymen of every denomination, Dr. Hogue, Dr. Jeter, Dr. Ryland, all good men and true, faithful to their Master's great work of winning souls. Dr. Ryland and myself met very often in camp and hospital, he ministering both spiritual and temporal blessings. What piles of blankets he collected and distributed; he was a faithful steward of his Lord and Master. Fans were very scarce so we improvised some, by getting from the stores all their card-boxes, and

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we ladies made fans of them, some writing verses of Scripture on them, some scraps of poetry or witticisms as their tastes lay, all done to beguile the tedium of a sick bed. Convalescent soldiers of Louisiana Hospital made all the handles to mount them. Many a basketful of these, Dr. Ryland and his wife and accomplished daughters distributed. With this, knitting for soldiers in the filed was not forgotten. My headquarters being at Mrs. Lindsey's at night, no matter where I was during the day, we women met and talked over our knitting (Dolly Idle Stitch, I call it, as you can talk and look about at the same time) of the affairs of the day. The Young Men's Christian Association furnished the yarn, if we were run aground in our own supplies. Knowing at this time that New Orleans was captured, and her ports opened, I thought I would get a passport and go on a visit to the city, to get money I always received through the British Consulate there. I got a passport from Mr. Cridland. A gentleman made a bet with me I would not get in; I bet I would, and came out again and talk to Genl. Butler, the Tyrant of New Orleans, and I did all three. But through the vicissitudes of war, the debt of honor to me, as to many others, was never paid, and my white kid gloves are in some one's store yet. Well, I was charged with many loving messages to wife, mother, sister and sweetheart, and with many momentoes of the dead; and so freighted, and with blessings on my head, I set out on my journey South. I always travelled alone, as I had a pious horror, and have still, of bad company. The ladies' car was always a coveted place, so on a change of cars it was no uncommon thing for an officer to carry basket or bundle, as it might be, for a lady he saw alone, in order to gain admittance to the coveted place through her. I forget what station I was at when a very staid-looking Major asked to relieve me of my basket. Of course I acceded, and a good and kind friend he proved to me, and I hope I helped him well after. His name was Buffington; he ranked as Major, being a surgeon, and having charge of a hospital at Jackson, Miss. His wife and children lived at Jefferson, N. O. I promised I would go and see them, and deliver any verbal message. He gave me many loving words for his children, and a twenty-dollar gold piece for his wife. We parted at Jackson with a promise, if I came out again, I would bring him his eldest boy, about eleven years old, old enough to be a companion to his father, but not old enough to be a soldier. At Madisonville I met Captain T. B. Williams, Superintendent Jackson Railroad. He was escorting Mrs. T. W. Henning and child, who were on their way, like myself to New Orleans. There were no hotel accommodations, as the Federals on a reconnoissance had sent shot and shell through the town, for passtime, scattering the people right and left. I saw the marks of the cannon-balls myself in the deserted houses. To say the least of it, it was not the most humane way of bringing back people to their allegiance, and I think I for one would have kicked aginst it. So we camped out in an empty house. The child we made as comfort-

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able as possible; ourselves, if I remember right, had the bare floor for bed, and the seat of a chair for pillow the Colonel our protecting angel and guardian. I slept soundly, notwithstanding all these drawbacks, having a clear conscience. Next morning a charcoal boat bound for the city received us, and many other passengers, arrived same night at Old Basin, and were received by a Federal guard, and taken to the guard-house, where we sat up all night. The officer in command, however, supplied us with coffee, bread and cheese. Next morning a Mr. Tesdale had vanished, which made the officer of the guard very angry with the rest, and as an extra precaution, made them take an oath. He asked me why I did not raise my hand with the balance in salute, and I said, because I was a British subject; and gave him my British passport. He was very insolent to me (as all small people are when clothed in a little brief authority), and said he would send me before the provost-marshal; and he did send me, with a guard, to Colonel Kilburn's office, who received me like the gentleman he always was to ladies, with politeness and courtesy, looked at my Richmond passport, said it was all right, and to call again, and dismissed me. I called on him a few days after, in accordance with his order, when he asked me what I wanted. I told him he desired me to report, and here I am. He laughed; said "all right, you are free; you need not come again." General Butler was the commanding general, General Shipley military governor, and General Sherman at Carrolton. As the blockade was, of course, raised, I had letters from home I mean Ireland awaiting me, and a round little sum of money, which had accumulated during the blockade. I saw all my friends; at that time they were legion, and I was useful to them. I gave all the loving messages I was freighted with to mother, wife, sister, and sweetheart. Of these latter the old maid had many to manage; as it was a delicate business, hopes she was a success; thinks she was, as happy marriages followed. At this time General Butler issued his mandate that all in New Orleans should take an oath. It was really painful as well as ridiculous to see with what alacrity all turned out to take the oath most consonant to their sentiments; some to the United States, some registered as enemies to the United States; some swore to and by every foreign flag. In fact it seemed as if the whole population had turned out for a general frolic, and to have a good time generally oath-taking. I called on Mr. Cappel, acting British Consul, who tole me to take my Virginia passport to the Provost-Marshal General's office, City Hall, and I did. The officiating gentleman endorsed it, scowling at me the while. Poor British subjects! we had a hard road to travel; but as difficulties only enhanced pleasure to some, I was not discouraged. But I think had I been an American and a Southerner, no power could have compelled me to perjure myself by taking the iron-clad oath, and I still think even General Butler would not have insisted if there had been unity of action and a respectful refusal. Well, the flower of the South and all its patriots were in the

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Confederacy. Those who were still in New Orleans I mean, of course the men were mostly speculators, and of very doubtful principle or politics, and except the foreign population it was very little matter where they were. I wished again to go to Virginia, and as I had my bet to win (I always try to keep a promise), I called at General Butler's headquarters, Custom-House, to try and get a pass. Sent in my card, and waited for hours, looking at Beauty pass in and out, and at each little tinkle of the bell thought my turn had come to enter and see the Beast. But no such summons came, so I left, after being highly entertained at the by-play of the outer office. One lady, a Miss M-----, pleased for a brother who was arrested, I believe, as a spy. She said he had been entrapped into a rebel's uniform; that her property was at Baton Rouge, and had been taken from her. Said lady came, a poor, ignorant girl, to New Orleans; had a little grocery store, and until the city fell, was a Confederate; then turned traitor on those by whom she made her living, and was a spy to the end. She finally married a complementary general, and instead of being exalted by it, has again sunk to the oblivion from which she sprung. I heard General Butler was very genial after dinner, so I tried my luck again by calling in the evening at General Twiggs' house where he was in possession. One of the parlors was crowded with ladies, each with some petition. Room nearly dark, until the light of the New World appeared, heralded, as was fit, by an unbleached American, who on approaching dazzled our weak site with light as from the sun, but it was only his Majesty Butler. As I faced the door, I of course rose on the General's entrance and bowed, he very politely returning it, and taking a seat beside me, and asking what he could do for me. I took out my passport, telling him I was a British Subject come from Richmond, and wanted a pass from him to return there. He seemed electrified by the word Richmond, and I know I felt as if I had received the full charge from a galvanic battery, when he hissed into my ears "No , Madam; no, Madam." I tell you upon hearing it I shunned further danger, and flew from the glance of his eye into the street, where I laughed over the second condition of my bet. Next day I met Mrs. S-----, who asked me what I said to Gen. Butler, as he was so furious he did not grant a solitary request. My friends, I suppose you have all heard of Gen. Butler's fancy for spoons, and of his woman's order. Did you also hear of how Baron Haynan, the Austrian woman-whipper, was treated in London by the men of Barclay and Perkins' brewery when he visited it? All honor to their spirited and manly defence of woman against oppression; and may hearts of oak, with brawny fists, so serve all transatlantic visitors who have made themselves equally detested, should they visit Albion or Erin's shore. A Union man, a friend of my brother-in-law, next introduced me to Gen. Shipley, and asked a pass for me, and he refused. One of his officers told me fewer privileges were allowed British subjects than any others, as it was supposed under the cloak of neutrality we did all we could to help the Rebels. Same evening Mrs. T.

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N. W-----. Sent me work that she had a pass to leave New Orleans and I could go with her, as her friend Mr. W----- was president of a bank, and before he left the city had carried off all the specie in its vaults into the Confederacy, for which cause Gen. Butler was his bitter enemy, and a kind of looked upon Mrs. Wood and family as hostages. Gen. Butler was absent from the city when she got her pass from Gen. Sherman, who told her to make good use of her time. So Mrs. W-----'s husband being outside the lines, and her three sons in the Washington Artillery, it followed she should be in Dixie. A Federal officer searched her baggage and mine at her house, and we all started via Carolton and the Red Church, and were nearly out of the Federal lines when the family must say good-bye to Mr. Frelson's family. He was Danish Consul; one of his daughters was engaged to marry an officer of the Washington Artillery, whom she threw overboard for Captain Page of the Federal army, and if I mistake not, on Gen. Sherman's staff at this date. While at Mr. Frelson's, couriers on the part of Gen. Butler, who meantime had returned to the city and heard of their departure, were sent after them, and they had to return at once to the city. It turned out a fearfully wet evening, and the luggage was thoroughly soaked and partly destroyed, as no one was allowed to disturb anything until Monday, not even to get out a change of clothes, and this was Saturday. I reached my sister's at twelve at night, rang the bell, and was answered all right, but no admission. Rang again, when my brother-in-law came out to know what was up. Imagine his astonishment to see me, instead of a policeman he had told to ring him up early, and who he thought was the disturber of his peace. Poor dear Mrs. Woods! what a blow it was to her gentle heart. About this time I was going down Magazine street, one day, when I saw a pedler on the sidewalk, with an assortment of portmonnaies and pocket-books. I bought one; but when I came to pay for it, he had no change, but he says: "It's no matter, you can take it, it may bring me luck, and I will call at your house for the money." I wonder what his politics were, as he never called for his money. Well, I kept the article as a souvenir. Mrs. Wilkinson now invited me to go with her; she too got a pass from Gen. Sherman to go see her husband, Col. Wilkinson. Gen. Sherman in giving the pass said he saw no objection to the ladies of New Orleans going to their natural protectors. I will say here, he was an officer I always respected. We took passage on a flag of truce, chartered by Mrs. Hester from Gen. Shipley. I think the boar was called the Le Claire. Mrs. Hester's mother, grandmother, sister and nieces were with her; the latter were music pupils of mine formerly, and this day were young moving post-offices from the letters they carried. There were several other passengers. We all paid for our passage to Mrs. Hester, the bare deck ten dollars in gold. On the boat reaching Madisonville I parted from all the company but Mrs. W. And Mrs. Charlton, an English lady, and we went to Jackson, where the sad news reached Mrs. Wilkinson that her gallant husband was killed at second battle

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of Manassas. Poor thing! it nearly broke her heart. Well, she was as true a woman as ever lived, and was of course persecuted and ruined by the Federals; imprisoned, and every art of mean revenge taken upon her, for being true to her God and her country. No oath for her; how could she take it? Talking of oaths, &c., don't misunderstand me I mean whatever your nationality, you should never give it up. God first, your country next my motto. I knew plenty of Union men during the war, I know them still; and hard names as I have got, I always, and I still respect them, for they were true, were never anything else; but were not the blood-thirsty stripe. But let every one act as his conscience dictates. I am accused of speaking slightly of U. S. officers. I never said a disrespectful word of an old, a genuine U. S. officer, such as Gen. Canby, a man who had his country's honor at stake, and who has left a name respected and admired by those who differed from him, who died sand per, sans reproche, who filled the trust committed to him, while in New Orleans, with a single eye to right and justice, and who never, with all the tempting surroundings, deviated a hair's-breath from the path of honor and rectitude. A noble man, a true gentleman, a brave and gallant soldier. At Mobile I saw Mr. Wood, who was expecting his family. I gave him all the particulars of their trip and recall. Judge of his sorrow at their treatment, particularly as he was helpless to assist them; and the saddest part of all Mr. Wood and his wife and family never met; he died at Canton soon after. I met Dr. Buffington, and gave him news of his wife and family, and also many others similarly situated. I visited again most of the hospitals of Richmond, and went to Culpeper to see my brother, who was with the engineers in the field. I had while here an attack of varioloid. Returned to Charlottesville, and then to Louisiana Hospital; visited Louisianians who got into trouble and were in Henrico County jail and Castle Thunder. Got up a subscription for a lady who had been very kind to me, and was now in deep distress herself, with three children; she left the Confederacy and joined her husband North. In 1863, came again to New Orleans, Gen. Banks in command; he had just succeeded Gen. Butler. Great confusion prevailed. A flag of truce had been on the eve of departure, with a crowd of registered enemies; it was stopped, and each and all had to scatter until the new autocrat's will was known. I had messages to several ladies, to join their husbands if they could obtain passes. I had money for others, and trinkets, mementoes of the dead, for others, and loving words for all relatives and friends I met with. I had then a good memory, and with the aid of a pocket-book, in which I took down number of house and name of street, and a few leading words from relative or friend in Virginia, I was able to give a good deal of comfort. Indeed, with this scanty outline I wrote out in New Orleans hundreds of letters, put them in stamped envelopes, dropped them, or had them dropped, in post-office. I had friends who distributed others, not at the houses of

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the rich but of the poor. I wrote, in some way, to every State in the Union, also to Canada, England and Ireland. I was a humble link of the chain of events between North and South in which no treason lurked and without a thought of recompense or reward, or for vain-glory. I received answers to some, which, on my return to Dixie, I managed some way. I never took a contraband letter that I remember, I always preferred what was carried in my memory. But I will praise myself so far as to say I never betrayed a trust, and what I did was for love and charity and not for money, beyond what defrayed part of my expenses. On this visit I had to report the deaths of several, as I had made the grand round of Virginia. One poor lady, Mrs. Thornton, who had been on the flag of truce above alluded to, and who was going to join her husband, I brought her the sad intelligence of his death; I saw him dead at his sister's , Mrs. Dr. Ryland's, and the family had sent the bereaved widow word to go to them, when they would share with her their last dollar. Hays' brigade will remember Guinea Station, and Mrs. Thornton's father-in-law's house there. This is the family I allude to. Mrs. Thornton and children went on the next flag of truce, as did Captain Alviner's wife and family, also Captain Revera's' all had passes. Mrs. Tom Hedges, I believe, got Mrs. Revera's, through her influence with Col. Clarke. Mrs. R. told me the Colonel let her take a pair of boots to her husband, making the facetious remark, he did not know if he was acting right, as to who knew but said man and boots might be kicking him yet. Mrs. Dr. Formento also got a pass from him, and went to join her husband in Richmond. Col. Clarke was very highly spoken of for his gentlemanly manner, by the ladies; also Col. Wilson, Mrs. Hedges' brother, who commanded a colored regiment, and was on Gen. Banks' staff. I am indebted to him for politeness to my relations when they called concerning my business afterwards, as he was the exception to every rudeness heretofore offered them. I often wonder why Mrs. H,. sister to the above, went as a registered enemy to Dixie; it could not have been for her husband to fight, as I never heard of his firing a shot. I met them at the Battle House, on their way to Montgomery. Strangely people acted during the war. How few, outside the army, for either love of God or country. It was despicable, the spying that was done by those who had made their living South, and the trusts they betrayed. Women, par complaisance called ladies, who went to speculate, even to the selling of shirts at fifty dollars a piece. I was asked to recommend my friends as customers. I told them my friends had only means for bread and meat for their families, and they were fighting for their country in poverty and deep distress, they needed no Yankee finery. How women from New Orleans could have degraded themselves as they did by speculating, has always puzzled me, and how they brought out the goods. As it was well known, the Yankees went in for making hay while the sun shone, and did nothing without a bribe. Well, there were different styles of bribes, gold, women and whiskey; but of course, what suited and pleased one did not the other; so, as the

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taste varied, I suppose they assimilated and suited the dross to please each appetite. I heard of one General who used to give passes to his 'chere amie', which she filled up as she wanted and sold for heavy figures. Others were sold in the same audacious manner for gold, gold, that corrupter of the vicious and unstable. About this time a large number of Confederate prisoners were for exchange; they were to leave the Levee on a steamboat. All the ladies turned out to say good-bye, myself of the crowd. While quietly looking on, General Banks ordered down a company of soldiers and a full battery, which came at a canter, deployed, and routed the women and children. The guns were rammed and pointed at this helpless mass of weakness, after galloping nearly over them. It was an act none but a base coward would have thought of. What the battery did not scatter were driven back at the point of the bayonet. I was of the number. As I never yet ran from an enemy, but always faced them, I walked backwards, with others, to some warehouses, when we were again chased by Federal officials in uniform, who took ladies' pocket handkerchiefs for trophies. It is really hardly credible such a thing could have occurred. A steamer, the Laurel Hill, crowded with women and children lookers-on, was sent down the river and detained until next day. Some say Banks never saw a battle, as he was always running; but he did, he won this, which is well remembered as 'Le Bataille des Mouchoir.' But it was his trade, like Butler and Reynolds, to chase and frighten, imprison and banish women. Did these men ever have mothers, and do they expect to die? I had a friend, Mrs. Seymour, lately married, who wanted to join her husband, so she and I tried all the offices of the Provost marshal to get passes. We sent at last to Gen. Bowen, when he ordered the clerk to give Miss Hill and Mrs. Seymour a pass jointly, which he did, we paying a dollar each. The pass was to go on schooner Calmer. My brother-in-law had a friend, Captain Rhinehart, of a Federal cavalry company, or battery, I forget which. He invited him to come to the lake with us, which he did, and was present with us when my trunks were searched, which was the rule. Captain Rhinehart came aboard the boat with me, and was most affable and pleasant. We had a good laugh, as I wore No. 7 boots over my own for my brother, and as we overheard the following: "I say," one Yank says to another, "I thought the Crescent City ladies had small feet, but look, there goes No. 8 at least." I met the Captain afterwards in New York. The schooner we went in had a friend of mine, who shipped as a hand, who knew no more how to manage a boat than a baby. The captain was only so in name, so our lives were at the mercy of one man who knew a little about the lake, and who acted as captain, as mate, and all else. We made a start, but had not gone far when a ball struck the water cask on deck, then another followed. Mind this, on a boat crowded with women and children. At last our captain stopped the ship, lowered a boat and went to see what was the matter. It was some novel etiquette, I am sure I don't know what. We made a fresh start. Lo and behold! we are

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chased, and have to stop again. An officer boards us, examines for the second time our passes, invites one lady down to the cabin, where, I believe, then searched her, and off the start without a word of apology. As it is late, our amateur captain concludes that he will anchor where he is for the night. We have time to scan our company. We have two ladies known as Stillman (they were the reverse of still women) who kept a milliner's store on Canal street, and were imprisoned for setting the establishment on fire. We had Dr. Buffington's wife and children, and a very sick lady, a Mrs. French and a Mrs. Noble. These Stillmans fought the captain for giving the cabin to the sick and the children, and then fought some Irish women. I thought their battles would have ended like those of the Kilkenny cats. Next day, in a driving rain, we got to Wadesboro, where Mrs. Waldon's family hospitably entertained Mrs. Seymour, Mrs. Land and myself. Next day, went to Ponchutoulas. Provost Marshal asked me did I know the Stillmans. I told him no. His reply was he had orders not to let them proceed, and they were after abusing him and telling him he knew they had gold which he wanted to steal. Same evening I went to Jackson, to my dear friend Mrs. Hawkins, where a note awaited me from Dr. Buffington, saying any news I had, to send him to Meridian, where he was surgeon of the post. I telegraphed: I have your wife and children; what shall I do with them? Reply: Forward them. We never met since. May every blessing attend the doctor and his family wherever they are. Mrs. Seymour telegraphed to her husband to Port Hudson, and as I promised her mother, Mrs. Grimshaw, not to lose sight of her until I have her to her husband, I fulfilled it by waiting till he came. We then started together in the cars for Mobile; her we said good-bye, Mrs. Lang and myself continuing on to Richmond to Ballard House. Met Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines. Called at President Davis's house and left a trunk for Mrs. Howell from her mother, Mrs. Leacock, wife of Rev. Dr. Leacock, banished from New Orleans and imprisoned in Fort Lafayette. From thence to Hamilton's Crossing to see my old friends, who were after doing the battle of Fredericksburg, where the Louisianians gained fresh laurels, and where the Washington artillery immortalized themselves at Marye's Heights. How could Gen. Longstreet, after such a brilliant career, turn his back upon those men who wore the grey and that he led? How could he, had how can he, I say, descend to such mean things as scalawags carpet-baggers, renegades and niggers? It is a mystery, willingly to tarnish an otherwise unsullied name. Even though the Radicals gain in numbers by such as he and Mosby, they never respect them; who can, a renegade? Would that all dared to be true. The Louisiana troops, under General early, Jackson's corps, were camped half a mile back of the Crossing. Their camping-ground was part of their late battle-field during the Fredericksburg fight, and in many places you found the graves of the dead. They had a kind of winter-quarter cabins, put up in every style fancy dictated, but all with good fire-places, in which they had huge fires,

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over which, of an evening, they had their fun and frolic, for I never saw men in such spirits; to judge of officers and men, you would think they had not a care on earth, but to exterminate the invader whenever he encroached on their homes and property. Their health never was better; no sickness amongst them. 'Tis true they had a bronzed and weather-beaten look, all Jackson's men had, (he had it himself,) and they prided themselves on it, and at serving under such a leader a General who took his men into every battle, in a just cause, and brought them out of it again victorious and with fresh laurels on their brows. They loved and revere their leader. They are heart and soul Stonewall Jackson's men. It was said North that these men were starving. No doubt that amiable people hoped they were; but it was like all the other Northern news, untrue. They had plenty, and the hearty, healthy strong condition of the men could show this. President Davis, God bless him! took care the troops had plentiful supplies. Yankeedom got the idea, after being whipped in every battle for two years, that they would try what the starving-out principle would do. The South had substantials; luxuries could be done without, except the luxury of thrashing them over and over again. I wonder they were not ashamed at the ridiculous figure they cut in Europe, bragging how each new General, made to order at Washington, was to bring back to the Union these separate States, separate in every feeling dear to the human breast. What union could there be with such a people? Went to Fredericksburg, which looked like a city of the dead. Fished in the river; a Yank on the other side talking to us. If ever you saw a city of desolation it was this; nearly every house left standing having cannon-balls through them, and the church steeples perforated with them; whole squares burned down, the in habitants scattered. The tomb of Mrs. Martha Washington, which is here, the marble indented with their musketry and rifle practice; nothing escaped, as wanton destruction was one of the gratifications of the Federal army. Saw a splendid Mississippi regiment drilling; a finer looking set of men could not be seen. They are brave and fearless, daring and doing their motto. Wandered through the deserted town; saw all the improvements of war, if another crossing is made here. Saw the flag of truce boat, which comes over nearly every day with some dispatch to General Lee; it lies where one of their pontoon bridges crossed. After my ramble got back to camp pretty tired, when I enjoyed a good supper; much amusement and great hospitality from the gentlemanly officers of the 6th Louisiana Regiment, who were my entertainers. The Louisianians in Jackson's corps suffered much, as since the joined him they were sent to the front of every battle; consequently, by death and honorable wounds, their numbers were greatly reduced. Went next day to the Rappahannock, where the men of the 6th were on picket; Yanks on the other side. Sixth Louisiana had a small boat called "The Tiger," which used to be sent unknown to the officers back and forth, Rebs sending letters and tobacco,

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Yanks returning late papers, Harper's Magazine, and coffee. I sent a letter to New Orleans this way, and I thank the Federal officer in charge of picket station, whoever he was, for his kindness, as it reached its destination. Honor to whom honor is due; there were good and true men North as well as South. While on the river bank watching the "Tiger" floating over, I heard the following conversation: Yank "Did you see our balloon?" (They had sent up three.) "Why didn't you send up one?" "We do, but it wants no gas. It is called Jeb Stuart, and knows where you are, and how many." Gen. Stuart, what an indefatigable officer, nearly ubiquitous. I have met him everywhere, seen him with his command, travelling in the cars, amusing himself with children he seemed to love; I have also seen him in Richmond carrying a little school-girl's bag. What a loss to the South he and Gen. Ashby were; but they are better dead now than to see many of those who wore the gray, for which none then had cause to be ashamed, turn renegade to their allegiance, go in for unification and all the abominations that would follow social equality. Ashby and Stuart, heroes of the Lost Cause, you lie in honored graves. Unreconstructed woman, at least, appreciates you, noble defenders of their homes and honor. After leaving the 8th Louisiana brigade, paid a visit to the Washington Artillery, who were in comfortable winter quarters, and preparing for a theatrical representation they were to give in a few days. They were a splendid set of fellows, and what words of praise of mind could do justice to them and their gallant leader, col. Walton, every inch a soldier and a gentleman. Fearless as brave, Louisiana patriots and Louisiana's true sons were in the army, and their record is their deeds in Dixie, respected by friend and foe. I next went to see my brother, and then again the rounds of the hospitals. I found Louisiana Hospital in distressed condition; men for three weeks without meat, and no coffee, very shamefully treated, half starved, their rations being sold. It was no use for one woman to talk, so I put a piece in the Examiner, which brought a visit and offers of assistance from that noble band of men, the Young Men's Christian Association of Richmond. Henkle, T. G. Semmes, Mr. Conrad and others formed a committee of inquiry, and a searching examination and speedy remedy was applied, the men had their rights, were no longer robbed; and I consider I only did my duty in the premises, as my whole sympathy was for the private soldier and his rights; it made me sick to see such heartlessness as was exercised toward them by well-paid employees. Dr. Nicholson next took charge of the hospital. He married the beautiful Virginia Pollard, who was then and employee of the Nitre and Mining Bureau; it was love at first sight. I was a kind of medium, which brought me acquainted with some of their connexion, one gentleman in particular, in New Orleans, who told me to call upon him whenever I wanted dirty work done at the Yankees' hands. Well, I despised him so much, even when I was in trouble I would not apply to him, though he was hand-in-glove with them. I

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never asked a favor of a Federal, I never took a bribe, and I never stole spoons, and I never was the employ of the Confederate Government. What I did I did for the pure love of the South, and as a little return in her trouble for having given me opportunity of making a good living before the war. I also did it out of admiration of her leaders, Jefferson Davis, Lee, Jackson, and Beauregard, and a host of others, equally noted men. I did it out of admiration for their devotion and respect of the women of the South. I have travelled far and near, and the kind attention and care I received was that of father or brother to daughter or sister, and one sample is better than all I could write, and it is a sample of the treatment all good women received during the war. Read Moore's "Rich and rare were the gems she wore," and men, Southern men, loved honor and virtue more, and it answers for them then and now. Captain Buckner was left for dead on the battle-field, shot in the mouth, part of his tongue cut off and nearly all his teeth knocked out. He revived, and was brought to Ladies' Institute Hospital, Richmond, where I attended to all his wants until I got one of his Company to wait on him. I notified his family about him as soon as it was possible. In 1863 I returned to New Orleans, where I got letters from Ireland which made me decide upon going there. When I left the Confederacy I had no more notion of crossing the Atlantic than I had of going to the moon. Circumstances occurred, and as I all my life did pretty much as I liked, having no lord and master, I said I would go, and go I did, and carried no letter of recommendation in my pocket from any one. Upon my word, things had come to a pretty pass when a woman could not mind her own business, and visit her home without being arrested and imprisoned on the fertile, inventive imagination of some poor foresworn criminal in the Yankee Secret Service. I called on Col. Kilburn for a pass to go on the "Morning Star" to New York. He gave it at once. I always liked this gentleman for a speech he made in his office. At this time some one came in to say a very sick Confederate prisoner was brought in, and what was to be done with him. "Poor devil," he replied, "has he any relatives or friends who would care of him? if so, let him go to them." Colonel, may you never want a friend in need. I heard of many gentle acts you did, and that you never forgot you were a gentleman. Your office was a difficult one, but you gained good-will, instead of the reverse, by your good sense and courtesy. I went on the "Morning Star" to New York. It was expected we would make a very fast trip, and we did up to the morning of the day we should have landed, when in a fog, we struck a sand bar on the Jersey coast, near Long Branch, and had to be landed through the surf, by aid of the life-boats. The gentlemen of the place flocked in crowds to our rescue, and helped to get us ashore. I got both a good fright and a good dunking, which latter was inconvenient, as the baggage was all on the boat. Went by railroad to New York, to Metropolitan Hotel, when I got my trunk. Started on a Cunard steamer for Europe. Had a delightful passage, with most agreeable company; arrived safe; met friends I had not seen for years; transacted a little business, got some money; had a delightful time generally. Met an Irish family whose only son was a sergeant, Co. F, 6th Louisiana regiment; took some presents for him. Was asked by a gentleman of the custom-house, Dublin, to take charge of a letter to his brother, who was in the War Department, Richmond. Well, I bade my friends good-bye, and left Liverpool for Boston on steamship "Arabia." Had very pleasant company; a great many gentlemen going to Wilmington, from Halifax, amongst whom was Mr. Matthew Fontaine Maury, brother of Rutgen and James Maury, New Orleans, also Rev. Do. Hogue, to whom I gave some letters, written on board and off Cape Race. Said letters all reached their destination in safety, and I afterwards had the pleasure of thanking the Doctor for his kindness. My friends, more especially my brother, were surprised to hear I had been to Europe, as not one in the Confederacy knew I contemplated such a trip; indeed, I did not know myself I would go until within a few days of my applying to the gallant Kilburn for a pass. I got a good view of Halifax; also of Faneuil Hall, when I got to Boston, the hub of the universe. Travelled to New York with mail agent of the "Arabia"; spent a while sight-seeing. Went to a soiree at Hon. Spring Rice's, where I met a son of Mr. Robb, my friends from New Orleans, Misses Peake and nephew, also a celebrated actor, as also a Belgian gentleman, with his charming Charleston wife. It was a delightful evening, as we were congenial spirits, all devoted admirers of the South. Sunday went to hear Rev. Dr. Scott preach, and had a chat after, about his friends here. Afternoon to the Catholic Cathedral, where I heard some splendid music (music, books and flowers are my weak points); at night to hear Dr. Cheever, the blood and thunder haranguer. I wonder if any of my readers have ever seen or heard Dr. Cheever in his Bowery pulpit as I did; if so, have they wondered that, surrounded by the beautiful flora, such finer and civiliser of our grosser nature, he could, in such a presence, use such blasphemy as he did. His pulpit was festooned with the graceful trailing ivy plant; bouquets of magnificent flowers placed every here and there, which in a ball-room or theatre, would have had a splendid effect, along with the numerous flags hanging form every available space, displaying the stars and stripes. The gentleman himself, as actor on the scene, was admirable; he was an actor, the whole thing go up for effect. It was in my eyes Cheever's theatre, and the speaking Cheever's politics. I never believed, in looking round at the Star Spangled Banner, and in looking up at the conservatory from which the Rev. Doctor held forth, that I was in a church, although it had the name. To see the man roll his eyes, to hear his language! If it was necessary, to preserve the Union, they must even wade knee-deep in southern blood. I was horrified, and I was astonished, that a church dedicated to all that was most sacred

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and most holy, should have been so desecrated, and that common decency did not prevent such disgraceful displays. Next day went to Greenwood. A lady boarder refused to be of the party, because she heard me comment on Northern clergymen in contrast to Southern; said I was a rebel, and she would not visit the abode of the dead with me. All right, madame; it can't be helped. But the South means to go to heaven when they die; but if you prefer, by your want of charity, the warmer place, where Jackson sent so many, all right, each to his taste. Adieu. Took passage on George Cromwell for New Orleans. Met Mr. William Henning, of Camp St., the only one I knew on board. Of course I told him I had been to Europe; I looked upon him as an old friend, having known him and his wife for years before the war. Day we were to land in New Orleans, a lady who shared my state-room came to me in great apparent distress, to tell me "the gentlemen" on board suspected I had dispatches for the Confederate Government, and that I was to be searched on landing, and begged me to give whatever papers I had either to her or the chambermaid Mary, who, she said, was a good friend of the South. Mr. Henning also came to warn me. I told them both to mind their own business; I was quite capable of taking care of myself. To cut the matter short, I went and promenaded the deck form end to end, a thing I never did before, being really timid by nature, unless roused, just to show how little I feared them. As the boat got to the wharf we were notified an oath had to be taken before landing a kind of stomachic, I suppose, before breathing the nauseated air of a city where a Butler and a Banks reigned. I saw I was watched, but what difference did it make? I was a subject of Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, just arrived from my native land with a four-leafed shamrock; so I took, when required, the oath of neutrality. I received the official paper to that effect, which made me, Mary Sophia Hill, free to enter New Orleans, which I did as a traveller on the continent of America. My trunks were searched; I suppose they thought I had Mr. Laird's rams from Birkenhead in them. Mr. Boland, my brother-in-law, my sister and her children met me, as also many friends, and we only laughed at what seemed then a silly affair. I wonder who was instigator of it; I have strong suspicions. Well, I have been the means of keeping one lady in Europe and a gentleman in Canada. Change of air, I hope, may improve their sense of right; I leave them to their God, who does all things right. About this time the battle of Chickamauga was fought. Many Louisianians wounded; their mothers and sisters applied to General Bowen's office Mrs. Mount, Mrs. Lugenburg, Mrs. Murray and others, for passes. I also applied. Captain Pierson was quite confidential to me; told me a flag of truce was to go out; time not yet decided, not destination, but the thought to Passcagoulas. Took me to the map, gave me a pass which I paid the dollar for, and was to drop in again, as it was to be endorsed by Colonel Beckwith, which it finally was. I asked could I take a few extras

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with me, such as a ham, a little tea, a pair of children's shoes, &c.; I gave him the list. He said it was so moderate I should have it, and told the clerks to endorse the list back of pass. Captain Pierson was as gentlemanly a man as I ever wish to meet; I speak of people as I find them The flag of truce was the schooner "Alice M. Guiggan," Lt. Call in command, a very good man, who sold his boots off his feet, on the boat to a Southern lady, and though in bad health himself, he gave or lent his coat to a poor refugee, and gave her money. I admired him so much for his kindness to his enemies, I lent him by big shawl to replace his coat, as he lay on the deck. These flags of truce were charcoal boats; of course cabins were mere nothing, so you had only deck accommodation, where you lay down or sat up, as you pleased, and took the weather as it came. I have seen cattle better provided for than the ladies of New Orleans during the unholy and fratricidal war. Ten dollars a head was the price, and feed yourself; each brought a basket, so it was a general pic-nic. Arrived at Passcagoulas, I went to Mrs. Dodson's boarding-house; had been there before. She says, "I want a private talk with you. Did you notice how Dodson looked at you on your arrival? He wanted to see your feet. When you left here for New Orleans, Captain Clarke, a friend of yours, told my husband you were Mr. S. W. Hill, and not Miss Hill. 'My God!' says Dodson, 'it is true, as I put him to sleep in a room with a bride.' " Circumstances were these. Mr. C. N. P. New Orleans, with his bride, had come to the Confederacy as registered enemies, and as accommodation was limited, we ladies all slept in one room, so this yarn of Clarke's nearly crazed our worthy host until my return, when the sight of my foot satisfied him he was the victim of a joke. We had a good laugh over the matter, particularly as I told her I had only just removed No. 7 boots I had worn over my own for said S. W. Hill, as also a pair of what they said married ladies try to wear. Well, I wore them once, and nothing will ever tempt me to wear them again. I wonder how Mrs. Doctor Mary Walker got used to them, but strong-minded women can do wonderful things. Mr. T. M. Came to Passcagoulas to meet his wife and family; I had done him and them many favors. My reward was great impertinence from him, though some misrepresentation, the first and the last I ever received in the Confederacy. The Louisiana Committee, of which he was one, in Mobile, telegraphed to know how many wanted transportation to Mobile, distant forty miles. A special coach for Mrs. M. I felt so hurt I would not go with the party, but hired a wagon for myself, price ninety dollars, my charioteer a boy about twelve. It took us two days to do the trip, as we lost our way, and when we found it the mule would not cross a bridge, so we unharnessed him, walked him over, after much coaxing, took down the trunks and tried to pull the wagon over, but could not move it, and the mule would not come back. No house, and no one near; I was nearly wild, so I plucked up

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courage, and at the same time a good stout switch, with which persuader I made him cross and take over the wagon. He was one of the mules nothing but might would conquer; kindness was quite thrown away. Evening of second day reached Mobile. If M. has the spunk of a man in him, he should have felt ashamed of himself; I might have been murdered, and it would have been his fault. I telegraphed to Captain Campbell to know where my brother was; reply, Lynchburg. I went to Mr. Murker's house, where he was drawing maps for the army, and had a very pleasant time; they were a very nice family; had a very fine farm, and they treated me very kindly. I had several acquaintances in Lynchburg that I visited, and also several wounded in the hospitals there, to whom I had messages. One young man who lost a leg, and for whom I transacted a little business, told me I had been the means of his being able to open a store. He was very grateful, and soon after asked me to his wedding. While in Lynchburg I got a good uniform suit of clothes made by an Irish tailor, for my brother. I brought the cloth form Dublin, wearing it as a cloak. The buttons I bought at Tiffit's, Canal Street; in fact I gave him a complete rig-out. Went to Richmond, where I found Captain Pilcher very ill with pneumonia, Dr. Robertson at death's door, and many others. My lady friends and myself visited them, and did all that could be done. After a while I visited the army near Raccoon Ford. Men were badly off for shoes this winter. Poor fellows! they often could be tracked in the snow by blood when they went to and from picket. No one can tell me what heroes the Louisiana troops were, and what they endured while fighting for their homes, but those who witnessed it; and their record is, that through the war for valor they were unequalled, and for honor none that wore the grey ever did an act of warfare to shame it. On my return to Richmond I went to the War Department to hunt up Terry's Texas Rangers. As G. B., of New Orleans, had a son, G. B. B., who had joined in Texas when war first broke out, and beyond hearing this he could not tell was he dead or alive, which made him, his father, very unhappy. He gave me five hundred dollars for his son if I ever found him. After a good deal of trouble I did, and got up a correspondence with him, which I sent to my friend, his father, and the money I gave to General Harrison, who was at the time in command of Wharton's or Wheeler's cavalry, and it reached him safely. While in the Confederacy I never saw G. B. B. nor many others I corresponded with; but in New Orleans. Yes, after the war I met some. I think it was about this time two of the Washington Artillery heard that their fiancees had married Federal officers. I tried to console them so: any one who breaks faith is a happy riddance; however, adding insult to injury, one of these jilts had sent a pocked-handkerchief embroidered by herself with his name. Mrs. R. came to Richmond to look after her husband's pay, he being a prisoner; I went with her, and she got it. I also got her good board. Miss Mary W. hearing how badly off soldiers

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were for shoes, she sent me a handsome dressing-wrapper to sell. I did, and with proceeds bought a few pairs of shoes and sent them to 6th Louisiana Regiment. To prevent mistakes, from first to last I never sold ten cents' worth of anything to a soldier in the army or to anyone else, and I never took into the Confederacy anything for barter or for sale. I speculated in no way, public or private. I was asked repeatedly to take sealed packages, which I invariably refused. I was asked to carry every description of wear and tear, nicknacks, even to wedding bonnets. I had but one answer to all; I was no blockade-runner or speculator. Most romantic tales were manufactured and told to my face as to what I had done and knew, things I never even dreamed of. Even on the subject of medicine, knowing it to have been a contraband of war, I was so exact to do no act to break my neutrality I would not take it, although knowing how much the men I was interested in were suffering for it. I now take shame to myself for not having brought medicine, which might under God have prolonged life. I believe this was the first war in which medicine for the sick was held contraband, and thus their own men as well as ours, the sick and wounded, were allowed to perish for want of it. What refinement of hate and cruelty on the part of "the best government the world ever say." Best government! An overgrown despotism. There is not real union amongst the States. What unity can there be at the point of the bayonet? Many ladies on "Alice M. Guiggan" brought out for speculation dry goods to any amount, on which they reaped a rich harvest. They were upper tendom too, who should have had more principle. What did they do for the Yankees to pass them without search? One point the Confederates were weak on, and that was allowing women in and out their lines, the majority being spies, informers and speculators. My soul sickens when I think of them, and those Shylocks the Jews, the incalculable mischief they did. While in Richmond I called upon Mrs. Jefferson Davis, with a message from Mrs. Leacock, New Orleans, to see if any arrangement could be made for the exchange of her husband, Rev. Dr. Leacock, a prisoner at Fort Lafayette. I told Mrs. Davis I had just come from Europe, where it was currently reported that the President, her husband, intended liberating the slaves conditionally, putting them in the army, to fight side and side Would to God he had done so, as the colored man then, before being demoralised, would have fought for the sunny land he belonged to with all his might of right. It was a sad mistake to let the Yankees have them, who had as well the whole of Europe for a recruiting ground. And what has been the result? But it is not ended yet, as Negro demands seem to be being made North as well as South for unification. May every Northen man and woman yet have a black son-in-law or daughter-in-law, as the case may be, just to bring them home to the practical working of the system they wish to foist upon the south. Don't some say the North whipped the South? Emphatically,

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no. The North the last year outnumbered them, that's all; and why? As I said before, Europe was their recruiting ground. Were not their agents sent to the disaffected parts of England, also to Wales and Germany and Ireland, where Paddy was promised, over a glass of poteen, that is fortune was made if he went to America, where a choice of work awaited him, railroads in particular, and then the plantations. Think of them and the romance of the thing, orange groves, and the passage only costs three pence, which Paddy pays himself for fear of law, cheating the Devil in the dark. Of course he is enchanted and goes, reaches Castle Garden, gets plenty of well drugged whiskey, and finds he is a soldier in full rig, with his musket by his side. Certainly he gets railroad work, the Confederates are continually tearing up the tracks, and of course, Federal soldiers have to repair them. And then the little matter of plantations; poor fellows! thousands got them sooner than expected, but the only measured five feet by eight, and are found to be along the Rappahannock, Chancellorsville, and in fact every battle-field; and they are plantations none of their heirs-at-law will ever look for the title-deeds to, not even though assisted by such legal talent as Warmouth appointees to dead men's estates. If my voice could have reached and influenced the Irish, but few recruits would have joined the North, as they were only wonted as a human battering-ram for Genl. Grant to use against Richmond. Not by science of war did he prevail, but by dogged perseverance and the slaughter of hecatombs of foreigners, as the 'creme de la creme' of Yankeedom talked, and sent paid substitutes, but fought not themselves. General Grant having Europe for a recruiting ground, simply after a four years' incessant On to Richmond, out-numbered the Confederates. In my opinion, all the military genius was with the Confederate Generals, Lee and others. You could not call Sheridan's career in the Valley of Virginia Christian warfare, when he bragged he would make of this fertile valley of the Shenandoah a howling wilderness, and when in wanton destruction he carried out his plans; burnt fences and houses, drove the helpless inhabitants into the fields, burnt their mills, carried off their corn or destroyed it, took as prisoners the old men, burned, pillaged, laid waste, and destroyed wherever he went in the very spirit of Satan his master, and said "he so destroyed it that the crows who flew over it would have to carry their rations." How retribution follows evil. Behold the schools of New York, the Irish bigot and Fenian, and the foreign dictator Pope Pius, results. Signs are in the distance that with one little matter and another, the North will not always be dictating, but will be dictated to. Military power is all very well, but it is not the most wholesome rule. Too long a line of defence, too long a seaboard., and the most corrupt men if office and place the world ever saw. Robbing, cheating, swindling all round by the wholesale in the most unblushing manner; no trust sacred. Can it continue and peace be? Read what Fremont did in Paris; what General Van Buren did at Vienna. Read Howard's record. But why multiply? Verily

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what Spoon Butler did to New Orleans in time of war, the officers of the Government, in peace, are doing all over the country. Making haste to get rich; and in their unholy greed of gain, losing sight of the honor, glory and high principle bequeathed them as a most precious gift by their forefathers, selling their very birthright for a mess of pottage.

New Orleans, December 1870, I published in the Picayune the following: and as it fully relates my case, which I brought before the Mixed commission at Washington on British and American claims, I republish it as also my Memorial No. 8, the Mr. Hale, agent and counsel for the United States, makes such exceptions to. I publish all the evidence taken, and will just state here, I was led into error, as regarded a lawyer, who, for reasons best known to himself, abandoned my case, and so mystified me by his manner that I hardly knew what steps to take to recover lost time and ground. Well, experience teaches. I have learned never to trust a politician, and never to trust a stranger on the word of another, but judge for myself, and never to ask a favor , bring ready money, the all-omnipotent mover of all obstacles where work is to be done. My case was a good one, though this mistake nearly lost it, as I had no law adviser, just going ahead at random myself. The award by the commissioners is a mere nothing as a compensation for all the expense I have been at, or for my ruined health and shattered nerves through Federal cruelty; but it is a very great satisfaction that the United States has had to acknowledge that I had rights as a subject of a foreign power, which they in their blind hate of women South trampled on, and for which they were amenable to Great Britain, and were responsible. Poor Mrs. Surratt! Tried by the same wicked military commission, would that the records of your trial were public. It would not of course restore your life, but it would show you were murdered, and by whom, and by what prostitution of law. Mr. Robert Hale says I did not produce the records of my trial. I challenged the United States to produce them, as they hold all records of secret courts, and they are the parties who have refused. I was most anxious to have them produced, to expose the system practised against the life of an alien, in a civilised country in the nineteenth century. I had everything to gain by their production. Mr. Hale, in his brief, accuses me of having sent in Memorial No. 8, as unfit to appear before the Commissioners. I do not see where its unfitness lay, unless it was in its truthfulness, as Mr. Roselius approved it, who was counsel on my trial. His words were, "It is a strong case, well put;" and when he heard it was not approved, said the United States had become very thin-skinned not to be able to stand a little satire, as he accused me of being satirical, and it was, in his eyes, the only fault of mine, and of Memorial No. 8. As regards the gentle epithets, "these brutes" as applied to Gens. Banks and Reynolds, they were only quotations of their hired spy, Ellen Williams; I never used them. I should also have stated that Ben. Reynolds and Major Porter's pet jailor,

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Lawrence, said he spit upon my neutrality, and upon neutrals. So the strong language which was objectionable, was all on the side of the United States and their officials. Enclosed is a paragraph, an extract from the Cincinnati Commercial, January 14, 1874, which shows that critics and censors should set better examples themselves, and prevent Burns' poem coming into play:
"Oh! wad some power the giftie gie us
To see ourselves as others see us!"

"Messrs. Hale and Wilson, who called each other 'dirty dogs' on the floor of the House last December, did not take the proper course, as we advised them to do on the reassembling of Congress, by apologising to each other, to the country, and to the House for their vile language. They need not suppose their billingsgate has been forgotten. They need not think they can go around, in a toploftical way, saying that their epithets were deserved and proper. They were unclean canine epithets, such as should not be bandied about between members of Congress, and disgraceful to those who uttered them in presence of the assembled sublimity of the nation. They can not excuse themselves by saying that Tom Benton, when he once got mad, talked as they did, or that Ben. Butler uses foul language at times. The admirable and well-bred men of great intellect in Congress never called each other dirty dogs. Webster never addressed Calhoun thus, nor did Chase ever thus address Jeff. Davis, nor did Poland, of Vermont, ever address Garfield, of Ohio, thus. We presume that Hale and Wilson are ashamed and remorseful on account of their conduct to each other. It is not yet too late for them to rise in the House and implore forgiveness of each other and of the country. After doing this they should give their solemn pledge that hereafter they will so conduct themselves as to show they are not comic actors when they claim to be considered 'honorable gentlemen.'" After my banishment I went to Richmond, just as the skirmish took place which ended in the capture of Fort Harrison, Mr. Chaffin's farm, by the Federals, October 7, 1864. My brother was in the trenches, so I went down to bring him a change of clothes and a basket, as well as other necessaries. This was on the Derbytown road. Saw the brave Louisiana Guard Artillery at Fort Gilmor; saw the pickets of both armies, their bayonets glistening in the sun; was at Cahffin's and Drury's Bluff, crossed the pontoon bridge. Had the honor of seeing Gen. Lee and staff ride down the lines; for I consider it a honor, and a great one too, to have seen the General of the age, Robert E. Lee, the soldier's friend, the Christian warrior. Gen. Ewell too, the friend of Stonewall Jackson, the veteran of all the battles from Manassas down, I had the pleasure of speaking to. I also saw Gen. Longstreet, who was then very much thought of for his military genius and daring tactics. At Dr. Minegerode's church, St. Paul's, Sunday, you were always sure to see the principal men of Richmond, his Excellency Presi-

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dent Davis, Gen. Lee, Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, all attending. Dr. Minegerode was an eloquent preacher, the singing splendid, and the congregation large. A great many colored people attended, a gallery being set apart for them. Rev. Dr. Hogue had a large congregation. He visited England, and brought as a present from the English people to the Confederate soldiers, thousands of Bibles and Testaments. He gave lectures on what he saw and heard while travelling, the proceeds of which went to help the soldiers' wives, and returned prisoners. He did much good; surely a blessing will follow him who went about doing good. No pulpit South that ever I heard of was desecrated by political harangues. Dr. Jeter, the Baptist clergyman, a man of great talent and piety, had a very handsome church and a large congregation, in connection with which was the African church, numbers of the colored people being Baptist. They had several churches of their own, with regularly appointed clergymen, and with deacons and church wardens from amongst themselves. I paid a visit to one of their churches on the occasion of a funeral service for one of their members, and found the church a large and handsome edifice, crowded with a well-dressed and most attentive congregation. The singing was actually fine, some beautifully sweet voices. But the colored people are naturally musical. An excellent sermon was preached, after which an oration over the deceased, the meeting closing with prayer. They had two services every Sunday and a Sunday school. Whenever the President of the Confederate States ordered a day for special prayer, the colored people of their own accord notified their ministers that they wished to join in it, and they did most heartily, as they both loved and respected the Southern people, who were ever and are still their only true friends. The family I boarded with were Virginians of the real old stock, who treated me as a relative, and were kind in every possible way. Their only son, a fine young man, belonging to the 21st Virginia, Jackson's old command, was killed at Slaughter Mountain. I here met many people from Williamsburg, Charles city and James, also many scouts. If you could hear them describe the scenes of wanton destruction and scenes of desolation all over that part of the country, it would horrify you. It was a kind of neutral ground, so the Federals contented themselves with carrying off all the produce, making raids for the purpose, and also for carrying off to prison the old men citizens, and keeping them there from their families, they don't know why or wherefore. It was this route Dahlgren and his braves took when they brought their oakum balls steeped in turpentine, to burn the hated city of Richmond with it's thousands of women and children. What a retribution Dahlgren met! I was in Richmond at the time, and know all about it. A minister sentenced to sweep the streets of Norfolk in chains, by Butler; it was no reflection on this clergyman to sweep the streets of Norfolk, but a great reflection upon General Butler, and more particularly upon the government who upheld him in such a

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wanton outrage. What had he to fear from the ministers of God, that he pursued them with such malignity? Rev. Dr. Goodrich of New Orleans he had arrested and taken from the pulpit, where he was celebrating services on our blessed Lord's Day, and banished him from his home and invalid wife. Rev. Dr. Leacock also, who was sent to some prison North. As also Rev. Mr. Fulton; but why dwell on the disagreeable theme? Prisoners of war were not exchanged, for the following reasons, and a more inhuman act could not have been perpetrated by the North, who were the guilty parties. The North had thousands of their troops enlisted for three years. Numbers of these men became prisoners to the south, and when the Federals found that their time had expired and they were no longer of use to them, they refused to continue the exchange; and so for more than a year these prisoners had been cut off from home and kindred, and the South held up as a monster of cruelty for the rations she gave them. What could she do, when the Yankees destroyed all articles of consumption, and made medicine a contraband. How were Southern men treated in Northern prisons, where plenty reigned; denied the commonest necessaries and decencies of life, starved, punished, and treated with a refinement of cruel torture that is unsurpassed by savages. I have seen prisoners returned from Camp Chase, Elmira and Point Lookout, a mass of disease, living skeletons, with their very teeth dropping out of their heads, frostbitten. Even the officers' prison at Johnston's Island was a living torture. Many Yankee prisoners joined the South; they were called galvanised Yanks. Major Milford, U. S. agent of exchange on the Federal side, was very highly spoken of. Through him I have sent many letters by flag of truce, and they were always received. What a difference in New Orleans, where they rarely reached their destination. Judge Ould and Col. Hatch, on the Confederate side, I knew to be gentlemen, and most humane. The Confederate authorities had all times been ready and anxious that the exchange of prisoners should go on; all the lets and hindrances have been on the Federal side. I saw one boat load of returned prisoners assembled in the Capitol Square, when the citizens provided them with a comfortable repast to welcome them, and where they were addressed by the President, who afterwards walked through their line shaking hands with many. You cannot think how exciting it was to see the poor fellows, so long prisoners; then the crowds, particularly ladies, who were assembled to cheer them, the speeches, and the music of a fine band. One instance was very affecting. A soldier named Godfrey, of the 6th Louisiana Regiment, when taken prisoner had his flag in hand, which he tore from its standard and concealed about his person, and throughout his long captivity he managed still to preserve his colors. When transferred from the Federal to the Confederate flag of truce at City Point, he produced his flag to the astonished gaze of many. It was put on an extemporised standard, and he marched through Richmond proudly, bearing his banner to which he was so faithful, the band playing "Fairwell to the Red, White, and Blue," the

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Federal colors, Confederate being red, white, and red. Poor Godfrey, who for his bravery was promoted to be Ensign, was afterwards killed in Battle. January 1st 1865, the Virginia people gave General Lee's soldiers a dinner, a slight token of regard to their noble defenders. The dinner was a week preparing, most of it being done at the Ballard House. It was wonderful to see the piles of turkeys, shoats, beef, mutton, venison, pork, birds of all kinds, pies puddings, cakes, cheese, butter, preserves, vegetables, in fact every eatable you can imagine, brought in abundance from far and near to make up a good dinner. A committee of gentlemen were appointed to attend to all matters connected with setting out the longest table ever set out on the continent of America or any other continent a table twenty-three miles long, or twenty-six, I forgot which, the length of General Lee's lines.

January 3rd, 1865, left Richmond via Port Tobacco and Washington. Reached New York, and from thence by steamer to Ireland, which I reached February 3rd . I found the educated classes of Irish and English people had a very true knowledge of the state of affairs in America, to know that the North was fighting for power and the South was fighting for freedom, and were anxiously inquiring what those hurried peace movements on the part of the North meant. Some said they wanted the South back, fearing the consequences of recognition and the South allying herself with Mexico and France. But all were saddened when the news came that General Lee had surrendered. Sad as it was to the South, if such noble enemies had been then treated with magnanimity and a general amnesty awarded brothers, there would have been long since a united and a prosperous country, instead of the anarchy which reigns through the malignaity of fanatics thrusting ignorant savages into office and power. Look at Louisiana, look at South Carolina, the brightest jewels of the United States handed over to carpet-baggers and a lot of chattering baboons. And what is the result? Her best people driven away, the rest beggared, robbed and insulted, and the States actually going to waste and ruin, as will always be the case where ignorance and incompetency rule. Give the colored people by all means their rights according to the law of the land, but don't set them up in high places until time and education qualify them for office and position. However, no doubt it will yet be so, as the colored man is getting exacting, and wants the rights accorded him North and in Northern society that Northern people insist on his having South. He wants to feel at home both North and South, politically as well as socially, and to have no class distinctions made. A man and a brother, the nations ward, when clothed in politics and made political capital of, is Northern men and women's equal as well as Southern; and as the North has had all the doing and say in the matter, it is to be presumed they will apply the remedy they feel requisite in the matter, and will set the South practically the example of social equality at their reunions and receptions, and at their Newports and Saratogas, but more particularly at their capital, Washington.

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In conclusion, from first to last the United States authorities were in error about me, and have made something out of nothing. Judge Dooley, their counsel, showed this by his remarks. One was: did not my middle name stand for spy, and that I was a great somebody with the Confederates. Strange, if I were that is did not know it; I hold not a memento of them, and that since my most unjust treatment I have suffered want and had no friends. It has been one of those strange case of circumstantial evidence a little truth and a great many lies gotten up by unscrupulous hired informers and shows how cruel it was and is to bring in conviction on anyone on such hearsay, and what a dangerous precedent to try upon a foreigner. It is all ended now; would I could forget. But as it may not be, I will urge upon British subjects in this country to be true to their flag; never desert its glorious banner, the symbol of truth, justice and liberty, a protector of all the oppressed. Got bless Old England's flag! God save the Queen! And may every prosperity yet be the heritage of the now persecuted down-trodden South.
Charlottesville, Va., November, 1874.

July 12th, 1875 Since writing the above, I find there is a general fraternisation going on between North and South; Massachusetts and the Old Dominion State shaking hands, and acting as leaders in the good work of reconciliation between estranged brethren, so that by the time of the Centennial celebration I would not be surprised to hear of General Sheridan leading in person the Louisiana Banditti to Philadelphia, and Mr. Hale, Generals Banks and Reynolds recommending me to the United States Government for full indemnification for the cruel wrong they did me; and in fact a general jubilee being held, a kind of millennium, in which even that noble old Virginian, General Early, could join without compromising his principles or his unsullied honor and fame. A united country no North, no South; equal rights, and all aliens protected by their flags and the laws of Christian nations, and more particularly its women sacred from wrong and injury.

New Orleans, November 15, 1865.
My Dear Sir: Lieutenant S. W. Hill, late of the corps of engineers attached to the division of General Heth in Virginia, &c., and for many years engaged in Louisiana in the pursuit of his profession, is desirous of obtaining employment in your department of State Engineer. I hope you will find a place for Mr. Hill equal to his merits and the good service I am sure he can perform. Besides the personal and professional qualifications of Mr. H. himself, which are mainly to recommend him, he is the brother of Miss Hill, that worthy lady who has done so much for the Louisiana soldiers in the field, a lady who is known and beloved

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by almost every man in the Louisiana regiments and the Washington Artillery.
Commending Mr. Hill to your favorable notice,
I am very truly, your friend,
J. B. Walton
Wm. A. Ferret, Esq., State Engineer, &c.

New Orleans, February 24th, 1871
Miss Mary S. Hill, Madam: In compliance with your request I would state that some time in the month of July, 1864, you were tried before a military commission in New Orleans, on various charges and specifications, the principal one of which was "correspondence with the enemy." As your counsel I defended you during the trial, which occupied several days. The evidence against you was the testimony of a female detective of respectable appearance, who pretended that she had called on you with a bogus letter from a Confederate General, named Tom Taylor, if my memory serves me, and that you expressed a willingness to comply with the wishes expressed by General Taylor in the fictitious letter. But there was not evidence that you ever actually carried on a correspondence with the enemy. This, I think, was the extent of the evidence on this point. In support of the other charges and specification no evidence was adduced. After the conclusion of the trial I was convinced that you would be acquitted. But some days afterwards I accidentally discovered that you had been found guilty, and that the papers were before General Banks for his approval of the sentence, which was imprisonment during the war. Being on terms of intimacy with General Banks, I took the liberty of remonstrating with him, and induced him to review the record, which resulted into a commutation of the sentence of the Military Commission, into an order to quit the Federal lines during the war. I have no hesitation to say that your conviction was entirely unauthorised, and it was on this ground that the Commanding-General reversed it, although his Judge-Advocate had advised its approval. Your arrest must have taken place the latter part of May, 1864.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. Roselius.

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Women's Prison New Orleans
No doubt many who will peruse these lines remember Dr. Bensadon's house, No. 200 Julia Street, which was confiscated and then converted into a prison for the ladies of the city who should offend those mighty potentates, Butler and Banks, and the rest. However, very few have any idea of the interior arrangements of the Bastile except those who were detained there, and as I happen to be of the number of those who had a three months' sojourn in it, I will give my experience of it, and all I remember connected with it. I had been in the Confederacy and returned on a flag of truce, which was bringing in for exchange some doctors who had been taken prisoners, and a good many lady passengers. However, on getting to Fort Pike, Major Floury, a gallant Virginian, who was in command, was told that his boat could proceed no further, and he being unwilling to bring back again to Mobile and subject to such attendant inconvenience so many ladies and children, waived all ceremony and right over the Yankee doctors, and so he landed them on the condition of being sent to New Orleans immediately. Well, we remained from this morning early until the following evening, when we were put afloat in two yawls, and reached the Lake End late at night, where we had to remain all night. Next morning, under a guard, we were brought to Capt. Lovering's office on Baronne Street; our names taken down, and the, still under guard, marched up to 200 Julia Street, where we were informed by the jailor a perfect brute, named Lawrence that for $2 a day he would board us, as we were prisoners until we could give a good account of ourselves. Well, in the evening, an officer came and questioned many; however they played their cards, most were released. I had to remain for two days, and the, in charge of a Yankee, had to go before the military inquisition to render an account of myself. My replies were all written down. Then I was marched to Capt. Lovering's office, who released me on parole until the next Monday. Well, from the hardships of my journey, my imprisonment, and all the indignities I suffered through it, brought on an attack of scarlet fever. I was very ill, and when recovering, though not yet down stairs, a woman who gave the name of Ellen Williams called to see me. Said she heard of my kindness to the sick and wounded Confederates; that she had just come in from Covington; was going out again if she could get a pass from either of those brutes, Banks or Reynolds; and if she went, and I had letters to send to

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my friends, she would take them. She also handed me a dirty crumpled note, directed to Mrs. Hill, and purporting to be from Gen. Tom Taylor, Clinton, La. She said had been to Mrs. Dimitry, who desired to be remembered to me, and who was going in a day or two to meet her husband at Arcola, and that she was going by way of Baton Rouge. Well, she told her tale so I believed her, and told her when she got her pass to come, and perhaps I would give her some letters. Just at this time Banks was defeated on the Red River, so I wrote an account of it to my brother, telling him to assure the boys, from me, that Banks had made as good a commissary to Dick Taylor and his men as he ever did to Gen. Jackson in the Valley, and got well whipped; gave an account of all I had suffered at the Yankees' hands'; in fact, just wrote a woman's satirical letter, which a wise man would have laughed at. Not so Banks, as the sequel will prove. Well Ellen Williams called again, and I gave her these ridiculous letters for Dixie. At this time I had letters from friends, prisoners on Johnson's Island asking me to try and assist them to keep them from starving and perishing. Well, it being woman's mission to help the distressed, I went among friends, though hardly able to stand, I was yet so ill, and had the promise of a box of underclothing, and from other parties a lot of tobacco. This was on Thursday. I was to ship the goods on Saturday's steamer. On reaching my sister's, with whom I was staying, I was told a gentleman had been looking for me, and asking singular questions as to when I went out, and when I would come in. Well, while hearing this, I was called down stairs, when a tall strapping fellow in Federal uniform told me he was Capt. Frost, provost sheriff of New Orleans, and had an order for my arrest and imprisonment. I told him I was a British subject, and an invalid only recovering from severe sickness. It was no use. He had a cab at the door, and in a fainting condition from weakness I was put into it and brought to No. 200 Julia street, and put in charge of that vile man, Lawrence. Well, my readers, God may forgive the Yankees what they did during the war to the clergymen (the anointed of the Most High), to the women and children, but for one I never can, nor would you were you in my place. I was shown up to a small room with a barricade against the one window, which was nailed down. As the weather (it was May) was very warm, and I was very weak, I asked that the window be opened a little for air. I thought the jailor would have struck me, he was so furious at the request, and called up one of the guards to make it more secure. Next morning before breakfast I saw my sister in the reception room, and was going in to see her, when this same Lawrence ordered me not to dare speak to her, chased me up stairs, and ordered the spy of the house to lock me up in my room. I dared her to do it, told her not to talk to me of Yankees I hated them, from the highest to the lowest. In the course of the day I was ordered to come down stairs, as the Provost-Marshal, Major Porter, wanted to see me. He introduced himself with a great deal of pomp and arrogance, said he was told

p. 48
I was conducting myself in an outrageous manner, and he had come for the purpose of informing me that I must behave better to those who had charge of me and were acting under his orders. I told him I was glad really to know who I had to thank for the brutal treatment I was receiving, and I gave him a piece of my mind, at which he actually turned livid. I asked him what was I arrested for and what were the charges against me. He could not tell; had not looked over the papers; I was arrested by order of General Reynolds; he was my custodian, and Lawrence was acting under his orders, and off he went. Same day Mrs. Dimitry was brought in as a prisoner. The third evening of my imprisonment Porter gave permission to a relative of mine to see me, in his presence, which she did. He and Lawrence sat facing us a pleasant way to converse, under the circumstances. Well, I asked him then what I was imprisoned for and what were the charges against me. He told me the charges were corresponding with and giving information to the enemy. "Ah!" I said, "another chance for exalting your flag by the death of a woman." "You mistake," he said, "the magnanimity of its defenders, madam." Did I, indeed? poor murdered Mrs. Surratt. If those charges were to be proven against me, of course I would be some time in this delightful retreat, and as I did not feel like paying two dollars a day for board at the table of that irascible man Lawrence, as a Government prisoner I would be a boarder. But of course they had captured cotton and sugar enough to pay damages. This led to quite a lively discussion. I protested as a British subject and demanded to see the Consul. He said I could write to him through his office, and send the letter by the sergeant of the guard. I asked could I have some books to read. He said he supposed I liked history. I told him yes, and at present I was engaged upon a long interesting one, the history of the Red River. He said if I were to write my own he thought it would be as interesting as any he knew. After he left I offered to pay my jailor for my board, but he spurned it and turned on me like a serpent; said he spit upon my neutrality, and to give effect to it, acted the part, shuffling his feet over the floor; asked me did I know what Government prison and fare meant. I told him no. Well, he says, you will have no sheets on your bed, and no mosquito bar; you will have to carry water and scrub your room; you will have to eat your meals in the yard with all who come in and out, out of tin cups and off tin plates, and the fare is bread and coffee, pork and beans, and then he stormed at me and accused me of speaking disrespectfully of his superior officers. Well, he warmed my temper thoroughly; so I gave him plenty of news to carry them next day. Next morning, from the excitement, I was very ill and unable to go to breakfast so got no coffee. I then wrote to Mr. Coppel, acting British Consul, who wrote me word he would attend to my case; there was no occasion to see me. I differed with him; I think it was his duty to see me, and hear what I had to say, as a subject of Great Britain. I will just say here, he was just nobody

p. 49
as a representative of any court, and it was disgraceful to have such a weak man in such an office during a war of such magnitude. I wrote to my sister, who called on Gen. Reynolds for a permit to send me necessary food. He seemed surprised at the request; said I was most comfortable, had everything needful. I supposed he thought so, and if the Government allowed it, the underlings of office approved it, as they did everything else that came in their way. A permit, however, was given, and my sister had to hire a boy to take me my dinner every day. Basket, of course, had to be searched. Just think of this for three long months! I became really very ill from the shock to my nervous system, being imprisoned on such an awful charge, getting out of a sick bed. To this day I feel the effects in my throat, and call it my Yankee cough. Well, I wrote a note to Dr. Stone asking him to come and see me. Major Porter sent word of one of their doctors should see me. I sent him word Yankee doctors did not understand Southern women's complaints, and it was useless for any to see me but the gentleman I wrote for. So at last Dr. Stone came and prescribed for me. God bless him for his kindness, as under Providence he was the means of preserving my reason, as I should, I believe, have died or gone mad but for him. When telling Dr. Stokes, of Dublin, afterwards, of my case, when I had to consult him, he said he wondered the treatment at the Yankees' hands had not killed me. Well, for three long weeks I was cut off from the outer world, not allowed to see a living soul belonging to me; shut up in the miserable room I mentioned before. So through the Provost Marshall's office I sent a letter to Lord Lyons, at Washington, telling of my treatment how they threatened to put me in irons, and would give no satisfaction to my relatives, only hand them about from one office to another, and say they should not press for a trial; every day I was no tried was a day of "grace;" and that I ought to have been hanged long ago. I also wrote to Gen Reynolds about the room I was in either to have me moved out of it or to have the window opened, or he would have my life to answer for. In the course of the day Major Porter called to see how I was situated, and seemed quite horrified at my changed appearance, gave me a choice of rooms, and said it was not the intention of the general or himself that I should be so treated. Even after this Lawrence refused to change my room. You see, they made quite a little fortune boarding and accommodating all the renegades from Dixie in the best rooms, male and female, until this complaint broke up the system in part. I told Lawrence I would send again to the general, so at last I was changed into a pleasant room and the rigors of my imprisonment relaxed, and occasionally relative or friend allowed to see me. As I use the word "friend," here allow me to remark on it. Before my imprisonment you would think I had many. Often before I was up of a morning I had ladies to see me, asking me to do favors for them, for their sons and their husbands, and I did them; but when trouble came, when here, they did not even call on my relatives to know my fate or show sympathy.

p. 50
Well, as I say, the rigors of my prison life abated, and I amused myself as best I could. Every day brought something new. We had Mrs. Col. Hanlon brought in for crossing the lines on a borrowed oath. Mrs. Wilson was in for lending the oath, and they were in search of the man who sold the oath. Wonder if they ever found him! Miss Price, for buying gold at Baton Rouge, poor thing, was brought, a stranger to New Orleans without a change of clothes until Mrs. Dr. Stone supplied her money taken from her, and she turned adrift penniless. A Mrs. Hughes, from Mobile, had charges trumped up against her that nearly unsettled the woman's reason. Some acquaintances of General Reynolds, two ladies, said they knew me, but when I went to them we had never before seen each other; but they told me they had a friend, a Miss Hill, who ran the blockade, and hearing my name, they thought I must be her. They were relieved to find out their mistake. The day of their arrest Reynolds called himself and released them. Piney woods people by the dozen were brought in black and white, men and women all huddled together in the gallery rooms until rations were drawn, when some form was gone through and they were released. You see, in these cases there was neither influence nor money. Another day about forty women, each with a basket and a bucket, were brought in from the camps at Carrollton and fined; one woman was so badly frightened she went into spasms. Another, in trying to escape, broke her leg. I must state here that Dr. Moss was very kind to the lady prisoners; he prescribed for two while I was there, and offered his professional services to us at any time we might require them. I dare say he remembers the evening he came to see Mrs. Col. Hanlon when she was so seriously ill. Well, the inquisition held their court on Carondelet street, and escorted by my jailor I went before it. It was composed of five officers, who, on my entering looked at me as amiably as they were going to run their swords in me one and all. You know, my friends, by this what a military commission (alias inquisition) means. It is a secret court in which you are prejudged, where there is plenty of law but no justice, and you are tried purposely to bring you in guilty. Well, Mr. Roselius was in his place, Ellen Williams, the witness against me, was there, and my trial began. When Ellen Williams on oath was asked her name, she answered Coulon; in fact, in a few minutes' cross-examination she swore to three different names a creditable witness. I was accused of running the blockade. I never did, and to show it, Mr. Roselius handed in my passes from the Provost Marshal's Office, and my passport of protection, from the Foreign Office in London, given when I was over there on my own business; well, to sum up, these

p. 51
five Yankees tried the ingenuity of law to bring me in guilty, and for five weary days I was brought before them. The doctor who attended me in the scarlet fever had to appear, my sister's servant also. At last Mr. Roselius read my defense, which ended the trial, and I was sent back to prison, without a word as to my sentence. Now, as a woman and an alien, I should have been tried in a civil court, where no judge or jury could convict me on the ridiculous charges brought against me charges trumped up by themselves. Why, they wrote the letter signed Tom Taylor, and at the date of it I was in Richmond, and no Gen. Tom Taylor commanded the post at Clinton, La.; he was Col. Tom Taylor, and only for a short time acted as Brigadier; and as to conveying intelligence to the enemy, writing a funny letter to your brother is no treason, and I was not Mrs. Hill. The whole was a disgraceful business, and the Government should bring such officers to account for making themselves ridiculous in trying such cases. Weeks after the trial an order was sent to me to go to Dixie on a flag of truce, by order of Gen. Banks. A limited amount of baggage and $100 in greenbacks, not a dollar in specie, not a dollar of Confederate money. Well, I wrote a note to Gen. Banks that greenbacks were contraband in Dixie, and at all events was not enough to take me to Richmond. So I had an official letter from his Aide, Col. Wilson, who commanded a negro regiment, that I might take five hundred dollars. Well, we started, and were aboard the schooner, and it was near 12 o'clock at night. A difference of opinion sprung up between the old United States Officer, Gen. Canby, and Gen. Banks result, we all had to come back again. A few days after they started again, and really got off. To save annoyance, I wrote a list to Capt. Dunham of what I wanted to take with me, and he signed his name across the list, with permission. He being Provost Marshal, I thought it was all right. Trunks being searched, and the very things signed in the order being taken by the searcher, I asked an officer on board if the Provost Marshall's order was respected. He said yes. I showed him my list and my trunks, and they took my candles, as they were very scarce in the Confederacy, I could not help saying I hoped they might light them all to perdition. One officer gives you permission to take things; you bring them; then another steals them. Of course they are all in cahoot, and divide the spoil. Misses Mongons, sweet women, were on this boat with me. There was also a lady and her daughter, with baggage enough to open a store, passed without examination by one of Canby's staff, the form of a man who bore a name he disgraced. Well, I was complimented by being called a fermenting rebel, with whom nothing could be done. How much more musical than traitor and renegade, a plentiful sprinkling of which the Crescent city then held, to its everlasting disgrace, as well as the above mentioned. We were landed at Pascagoula, where I rested a few days, before proceeding to Mobile. I here thank Gen. D. H. Maury for kindnesses; also Col. Gardiner, Provost Marshal-General, for all his polite attentions and kindnesses rendered me on various occasions.

p. 52
This woman, Ellen Williams, or Conlon, was a spy in the very hospitals in New Orleans. Shame! Shame! to send such amongst the sick and dying, attended by women who, called upon by the authorities, left their homes to minister to their wants. Again, these spies were sent to the women's prison when friends and relatives could get no pass to enter. Every known meanness was resorted to, and every low creature employed to do the dirty work required to carry on the infernal inquisitorial system. Well, I was arrested in May; banished in August. Went to Richmond, where I met my true and tried friends of Hays' brigade, Jackson's foot cavalry the iron-clad brigade, as they were called, in turn for their indomitable courage and bravery. Where were a finer set of men to be found when they first left Louisiana, commanded by such officers as the gallant Cols. Seymour and Monaghan? and tell me, are there any left who leave a prouder name for deeds of daring than the few left of them from the many battle-fields they were in to return home again? Now, Captain Seymour, you may well feel proud of your father, who fell while leading his men at Malvern Hill. He and others died a glorious death for such spirits, in comparison to living to see the sad, sad end. I here specially thank Gen. Harry T. Hays, Capt. Wm. Seymour, Major J. G. Campbell, Capts. B. T. Walshe, Revira, Pilcher, Tobin, and Col. Palfrey, for endless attentions and kindnesses. Had I been sister or other to the whole brigade, I could have had no more attention or respect paid me, both by the officers and men composing it. I also thank Col. J. B. Walton, Washington Artillery, for many attentions. While in Richmond, I met John Mitchell, also the correspondent of the London Times, to whom I am much indebted for kindnesses. How astonished these gentlemen were to hear of the treatment I had received. Well, I got a pass from the Confederate authorities, and on the third of January I left Richmond and actually did run the blockade, spent a night in Washington and nearly a week in New York, then took a steamer for Liverpool, reached Queenstown 1st of February, and on Irish soil and under the protecting folds of the glorious flag of Old England, I thanked my God for my escape from my enemies. I went to London. While in London I received a letter from New Orleans, telling me the very day the news reached them of the assassination of Lincoln, two gentlemen went to my sister's house and asked the servant to see Miss Hill. She replied I was absent from the city from the August before. My sister told them the same; they would not believe her; said they knew better, and one fellow, turning to the other, says: "Stand at that door; let no one out but any one in, while I search the house;" and search it he did, even (as my little nephew told me since) looking into the bake- oven. When he came down he told my sister he knew I was in the city, and that he would set a watch on the house for me. She told him he could do so, as I was where he dare not lay a finger on me. Where was that? Under my own flag in London. How did she know? Let her show my letters. My blood boiled with indignation when I read this, to think I was hunted by such

p. 53
wretches as a wild animal, and I wrote to General Canby as he had superseded General Banks telling him it was his duty to have the atrocity inquired into. The whole thing shows me now it was a mistaken identity. Hill was not a favorite name to the Federals. There was a Miss Hill, a trader in dry goods. There was a Mrs. Hill, whose son was a colonel in Scott's cavalry, at Clinton, La. While in person I heard she was an active lady, having run out to hits son a fine cavalry horse. And there were others. One, a Mrs. Mary S. Hill, whose correspondent was at Fort Smith, Arkansas. We made frequent mistakes with each other's letters in consequence of the same name and address. Well, they caught a Hill, and she was made the scape-goat for the batch of transgressors. I often laugh when I think of a question asked of my brother-in-law: "What did that sister of yours do to the Yankees?" "Nothing." "Why, they think her equal to the Grecian horses." This, you see, was owing to the pranks the combined Hills played them. While in London I also received a pamphlet of court-marshalls for August, wherein your humble servant, Mary S. Hill, figures, giving information to and corresponding with the enemy. Giving information struck out not proved; corresponding with the enemy proved writing to my brother. Sentence to be imprisoned during the war wherever the commanding general approved, afterwards modified to banishment as an "enemy." Well, I remained in Europe ten months, and returned in October after the war closed. Met Mr. Coppel in the street, who asked me, "Did I know what he had done for me?" "No," I replied; "never knew you had done anything." Said "Yes, he had gone to General Banks, and as a favor had asked him, promising to be my security, to allow me to go to England on the ship 'Sir William Pele,' then ready to sail, and he refused, saying, 'No place was fit for me but amongst my friends in the Confederacy, where he meant to send me.'" Coppel replied, "What is the use? She will go to England." "Well, let her. She will have to run the blockade. She will have plenty of trouble; perhaps it will teach her to behave the rest of her days." Butler and Banks! Well, I declare Butler was best, as he was an up-and-down ruffian, and you could meet him on his own ground; but Banks was the snake in the grass springing on you when you least expected it. Well, they were troubled times; clergymen, the anointed of the Most High, thrown into prison, and women persecuted, imprisoned, tried for their lives and hanged. I was in Europe when the news came of Mrs. Surratt's murder, for murder it was, and it is a mild for of speech to say all were shocked and horrified.

NOTE: I was told by a gentleman in Washington, that one of the best spies the Federals had was a deaf and dumb woman, a splendid draftsman, who visited Richmond often, and who brought out of it the most correct map of the fortifications and defenses they ever had; and that said map is now in the War Department, and for which she received, I think I heard, ten thousand dollars.

p. 54.
Office of the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims, under the Treaty May 8th, 1871.
Newport, Rhode Island, August 28th 1873
Mary Sophia Hill vs. United States. No. 8. This claim is dismissed without prejudice to claimant's right to file a new memorial as per order of November 15, 1871.
(Signed) L. Corti, Russell Gurney, Commissioners.

Office of the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims, under the treaty May 8th, 1871.
Newport, Rhode Island, September 3, 1873.
Mary Sophia Hill vs. United States. No. 198. We award the sum of one thousand five hundred and sixty dollars to be paid, in gold, by the Government of the United States to the government of her Britannic Magesty, in respect of the above claim.
(Signed) L. Corti, Russell Gurney, Commissioners.

Before the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims. Mary Sophia Hill vs. United States. No. 198. Depositions in rebutting for claimant.
Deposition of Mistress Mary Sophia Hill.
The deposition of Mistress Mary Sophia Hill, a witness produced, sworn, and examined on the part and behalf of the claimant in the cause above entitled, now depending before the above named commission, taken before me, Robert J. Ker, United States commissioner for the district of Louisiana, at my office, No. 160 Common street, in the city of New Orleans, on the 20th day of January, 1873, at ten o'clock a.m., pursuant to a notice to that effect duly given by the agent and counsel of the claimant. Mr. Garrett Walker appeared on behalf of the claimant, and Mr. M. A. Dooley appeared on behalf of the United States. The said Mistress Mary Sophia Hill having been first by me duly sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, deposed and says: My name is Mary Sophia Hill; my age is fifty-two years; my residence in the city of New Orleans; I am a native of Dublin, kingdom of Great Britain; my occupation was formerly that of a teacher; I have no present occupation. Preliminary questions propounded by the officer taking this deposition:

p. 55
Have you any interest, direct or indirect, in the claim which is subject-matter of the above-entitled cause, or of this examination; if so, state the nature and extent of such interest?
Answer. I am the claimant in this case.
Being examined by Mr. Garrett Walker, of counsel for the claimant, the witness further deposes and says:
Q. 1. Are you a British subject.
A. I am.
[Counsel for the United States objects to the question and answer on the ground that the evidence sought to be elicited is not embraced in the notice, and is not in rebuttal.]
Q. 2. At the time that Helen Williams handed you the note purporting to be from Tom Taylor, had you ever known her previous to that time?
A. I had not.
[Counsel for the United States objects to this question and answer on the same ground as the preceding.]
Q. 3.Was the note above referred to addressed to you?
A. No; it was addressed Mistress Holt.
Q. 4. Did you believe, in taking said note, it was addressed to you for a charitable purpose?
A. I so believed.
[Counsel for the United States objects to the question because it is leading, and objects to both question and answer because the evidence sought to be elicited is not in rebuttal, and is not embraced in the notice.]
Q. 5. Do you know General Tom Taylor personally?
A. I do not so know him; I never saw him, and I never knew that was a general of that name until I was banished from the United States.
[Counsel for the United States makes the same objection to this question and answer as the preceding.]
Q. 6. Did you ever correspond with General Tom Taylor?
A. I never did.
[Counsel for the United States makes the same objection to this question and answer as before.]
Q. 7. Did you know at that time Captain Bonny?
A. I did not know him; I never heard of him.
[Counsel for the United States makes the same objection to this question and answer as before.]
Q. 8. Did you ever write a letter to Captain Bonny?
A. I never wrote a letter to Captain Bonny.
[Counsel for the United States makes the same objection to this question and answer as before.]
Q. 9. Did you ever have a relation of yours who was a captain in the engineer department in the Confederate service?
A. I never had.
[Counsel for the United States makes the same objection to this question and answer as before.]
Q. 10. Did you ever, with the exception of the letter to your brother and to Mistress Graham mentioned in the memorial on the

p. 56 part of the claimant, ever correspond with any one in the Confederacy whilst in the city of New Orleans?
A. No; except by flag of truce.
[Counsel for the United States objects to the question because it is leading, and objects to both question and answer because the evidence sought to be elicited is not embraced in the notice, and is not in rebuttal.]
Q. 11. When you gave these three letters, the one to Tom Taylor, the one to Mrs. Graham, and the other to your brother, had you any reason to believe they would be taken out of the city surreptitiously?
A. I could not tell; the letters were of such little importance, and I did not know the party who took them.
Q. 12. When Ellen Williams offered to carry letters for you into the Confederacy, did she or not give you to understand that she would do so provided she got a pass?
A. She did; provided she could get a pass from General Banks or General Reynolds, those brutes.
[Counsel for the United States makes the same objection to this question and answer as before.]
Q. 13. When you gave her the letter, did you or not believe she got a pass?
A. I know nothing about it.
Q. 14. Is it to your knowledge at that time that any other lady of the name of Hill passed in and out of the Confederacy?
A. It is to my knowledge that such is the fact.
Q. 15. State whether you have any reason for believing you were mistaken for that lady.
A. I think it likely it was so; there were two ladies besides myself of the name of Hill, one was Miss Ann Hill, and the other Mistress Hill; I might have been taken for either.
[Counsel for the United States Makes objection to this question and answer on the same ground as before.]
Q. 16. Is it to your knowledge that the Mrs. Hill above mentioned ever carried out supplies into the Confederacy?
A. I know nothing of my own knowledge, but learned so after the war from Mrs. Lingsley Hill.
Q. 17. Is it to your knowledge that the letter handed to you was addressed to this [a sheet of copy is missing here] communications, where were you?
A. In New Orleans.
Q. 10. Are the above mentioned letters and communications correctly set forth in the printed proofs of the defendant?
A. They are.
Q. 11. What means did you resort to, to have the letters and communications in question delivered to the parties to whom they were addressed?
A. I gave them to a woman calling herself Ellen Williams.
Q. 12. In your examination-in-chief, in answer to question 6, you stated that you never corresponded with General Tom Taylor do you desire to make any explanation in reference to that answer? If so, explain the same.

p. 57
A. I intended to say that I never corresponded with General Tom Taylor, with the exception of the letter of May 20th, 1864.
Q. 13. Did you not correspond with Colonel Thomas H. Taylor, of the Confederate army?
A. I did, after my banishment from New Orleans.
Q. 14. Was not this Colonel Thomas H. Taylor the officer commanding the post at Clinton, La, on the 20th May, 1864?
A. I heard so, after I was in the Confederacy.
Mary Sophia Hill

Deposition of Samuel William Hill
Also, the deposition of Samuel William Hill, a witness produced, sworn, and examined on the part and behalf of the claimant, in the cause above entitled, now depending before the same Commission, taken before me, the same commissioner, at the same place, on the same day, in pursuance of the same notice. The claimant was represented by the same attorney, and the United States were represented by the same attorney.

The said Samuel William Hill, having been by me duly sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, deposes and says:
My name is Samuel William Hill; my age is fifty-two years, my residence is in the city of New Orleans, La.; I am a native of Dublin, Ireland; my occupation is that of a civil engineer.
Preliminary question propounded by the officer taking this deposition:
Have you any interest, direct or indirect, in the claim which is the subject-matter of the above entitled cause, or of this examination? If so, sate the nature and extent of such interest?
A. I have no interest whatever; I am the brother of the claimant. Being examined by Mr. , of counsel for the claimant, the witness further deposes and says:
Q. 1. State whether or not you are the person referred to in the letter of May 29th, 1864?
A. The letter was to my address, but I never saw it.
Q. 2. State whether or not you were ever in the Confederate service, and what position you held in said service?
A. I was three years and a half a private in the army, and for five months a junior lieutenant in the engineer corps.
Q. 3. State where you were on the 20th day of May, 1864, or at any other time, a captain of engineers in the Confederate service?
A. I was not.
Cross-examination, on behalf of the United States, by Mr. M. A. Dooley, their attorney:
Q. 1. Where were you serving in the Confederate army on the 20th May, 1864?
A. To the best of my knowledge, in Fauquier county, Virginia.
Q. 2. Did you know A. H. Campbell?

p. 58.
A. I did; I knew him very well.
Q. 3. Did he belong to the Confederate States army?
A. He was captain in the corps of engineers, at that time.
Q. 4. Where was the said Campbell stationed at that date?
A. At Richmond, Virginia.
Sam'l Wm. Hill.

And now, at 3 o'clock p. m., of this twentieth day of January, 1873, the other witnesses whose testimony is to be taken being absent, I have adjourned the further taking of the testimony herein until to-morrow, twenty-first day of January, 1873, at eleven o'clock a. m.
In witness whereof, I hereto subscribe my name.
Robert J. Ker
United States Commissioner.

And now, on this twenty-first day of January, 1873, at the hour of eleven o'clock a. m., pursuant to adjournment, I resume the taking of testimony herein.
Mr. Garret Walker appeared on behalf of the claimant, Mr. M. A. Dooley appeared on behalf of the United States.
When, it appearing that the other witness herein had failed to be present, at the request of Mr. Garret Walker, the counsel for the claimant, the testimony herein was closed.
I, Robert J. Ker, United States commissioner for the district of Louisiana, do hereby certify that the request of the attorney for claimant, I caused the above-mentioned Miss Mary Sophia Hill, and Samuel William Hill, deponents in the foregoing depositions, to come before me at the time and place in the caption mentioned; that said deponents were by me severally sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth; that said depositions were reduced to writing by me, and were carefully read to said deponents severally before being signed by them, and deponents then and there severally in my presence subscribed the same; and I further certify that I have no interest, direct or indirect, in the claim to which the above depositions relate, and I am not the agent or attorney of any person having any interest therein.
Witness my hand and seal of office, at the city of New Orleans, this 21st day of January, 1873.
[seal] Robert J. Ker
U. S. Com. for the District of La.

Before the Mixed Commission on American and British Claims. Mary Sophia Hill vs. United States. No 198. Depositions in Rebutting for Claimant. Missing Part of Claimant's Deposition in Rebutting, as noted at question 17, page 4.
Mistress Hill?
A. I knew that the letter was not for me, but I did not know for whom the letter actually was; I could not tell for whom else it was.

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[Counsel for the United States objects to the question as leading, and to the question and answer as not being in rebuttal, and not embraced in the notice.]
Q. 18. State whether you ever rendered any aid or assistance to the Confederacy; and if so, what that aid and assistance was?
A. I nursed the sick and wounded.
Cross-examination on the part of the United States:
Q. 1. Do you know any Mary Sophia Hill or Mary S. Hill besides yourself?
A. I know of not other.
Q. 2 did you have a brother in the Confederate army; and if so, state his name?
A. I had a brother in the Confederate army; his name was Samuel William Hill.
Q. 3. What was his position in the army?
A. A private in company F, Sixth Louisiana regiment.
Q. 4. What was his position on the 20th May 1864, and where was he at that date?
A. Still a private in said company, and was then in the Confederate army, in Northern Virginia.
Q. 5. What position in the Confederate army did A. H. Campbell hold at that time?
A. He was a captain of engineers.
Q. 6. Did you or not address your letter of 20th May, 1864 to your brother above mentioned to the care of A. H. Campbell, Esquire, captain of engineers, 28th and Grace streets, Church Hill, Richmond, Virginia.
A. I did.
Q. 7. Did you not on the same date, to wit, the 20th May 1864 address communication to "General Tom Taylor, commanding post, Clinton, La"? A. I did.
Q. 8. Did you not on the same date, to wit, the 20th May 1864, address a communication to Mistress Graham, living in Montgomery, Alabama?
A. I did.
Q. 9. At the time you wrote the above-mentioned letters and communications.

Before the Mixed Commission on American and British Claims. Mary Sophia Hill vs. The United States. No. 8. Demurrer of American Agent to Claimant's memorial.
The United States, reserving all other objections, move to dismiss the memorial of the claimant on the following grounds:
1. The said memorial is replete with scandalous and impertinent matter, and is disrespectful and insulting to this Commission, and to the Government and officers of the United States.
2. The same is not addressed to this Commission, but to a suposed tribunal of Her Britannic Majesty.
3. The same contains, at page 10, an improper and indecorous appeal to the tribunal to which it is addressed, as countrymen of

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the claimant, to protect the claimant as a British subject, and to avenge a fancied insult to the British flag.
4. The same does not state the time and place of the claimant's birth; not state whether she has taken any, and what steps towards becoming naturalized in any country other than her birth.
Dated November 2, 1871.
Robert S. Hale,
Agent and Counsel of the United States.

Mixed Commission on British and American Claims. No. 8. Memorial of Mary Sophia Hill
. To the Honorable Gentlemen of Her Britannic Majesty's High Commission under the Treaty of Washington, 8th of May, 1871. I bring a claim against the United States for two thousand pounds of sterling, as damages for cruel treatment and false imprisonment during the months of May, June, July and August, 1864, and banishment thereafter from the city of New Orleans, La., from which causes my health has been ruined, and I am an invalid ever since, unable to follow my business as a teacher.
I make the following statement under oath : I am a subject of Great Britain, born in Dublin, Ireland. See certificate No. 1, of birth and baptism, name Mary Sophia Hill, not married.
In the year 1850, December 6th, I left Liverpool, and arrived in New Orleans, La., February 5th, 1851, and have made it my home, as a British subject, ever since. I lived with an only brother, a civil engineer, and up to the breaking out of the late war I followed the profession of a teacher of English, French and music.
Hon. Edmond Henry Spring Rice knew me as such in New Orleans. See his letter introducing me to Lady Monteagle. I have a small income from Dublin, which I have received regularly every three months, since I have been in this country, through the British consul's office, where I am well known.
On the breaking out of the war my brother and myself had a misunderstanding, the result of which was, he enrolled himself as a volunteer in the Irish Brigade, then ordered to Virginia. I tried all I could to get him free; went to Mr. Muir, who was then consul, to see what he could do, but with no good result. It nearly broke my heart to see my only brother and only near male relative leave me and leave the flag we were born under for a stranger, and perhaps get killed for his folly; so I concluded I would follow him to Virginia to care for him, where I knew he would sadly want a woman's care, and that I would, whenever needed, care for the wounded, the sick and the distressed. Miss Nightingale God bless her taught us, women of the British flag, this lesson of humanity.
The battle of Bull run and Manassas was fought; I assisted in the hospital. See letter marked 3.
The battles of the Valley of Virginia followed, when I nursed my brother and all I could in Charlottesville; saw many a poor mother's son decently buried, and from dying lips took charge of loving and last words to wife, sister, mother.

p. 61.
My brother was so ill he was sent to Richmond; I went with him. On his recovery he was detached from soldiering and sent to join the engineer corps, without rank. I then devoted my time to the hospitals of Richmond. See letters 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9.
In 1862 I got a passport from Mr. Cridland to come to New Orleans to get my money. Gen. Butler was in command and making every one take an oath; so Mr. Coppel, acting British consul at New Orleans, when I asked him for British papers, tole me to take the Richmond document to the provost marshal, and I did, that functionary endorsing it. I enclosed it, marked 10.
In 1863 I went to Dublin, Ireland, to look after my money and family matters, which were in confusion from the blockade, and my long absence, (I left New Orleans on a pass from Col. Kilburne, provost marshal,) and when I returned took the oath of neutrality before landing, which was then the regulation.
I enclosed letter 11, to show I went to Dublin on my own business, and the oath of neutrality, 12, to show I conformed to the existing rule for some time. (See my English passport from the Foreign Office, No. 13.)
Soon after this I got a pass (which is with the papers of my trial in Washington) and went back amongst the sick and wounded, and giving what help I could, by flag of truce, to the prisoners.
In 1864 I made up my mind to return to New Orleans and remain there. I left Mobile on a flag of truce which was bringing over Federal doctors for exchange, the French consul and family, and others. A new law had been issued that all parties coming into the Federal lines should have a pass. I had no means of hearing this order. I was arrested and sent to prison; kept there two days and shamefully treated. I was then sent, under guard, before a military commission, who questioned me, writing down my answers. Then, still under guard, I was sent, in the broiling sun, to Major Twining's office, who told me to take the oath. I showed him my oath as a British subject, upon which he released me on a parole, with orders to report to him again, which I did.
With the hardships of my journey and all this rough treatment from low officials, I was taken ill at my sister's house with scarlet fever, of which I nearly died See Dr. Shuppert's report, with the papers of my trial.
When just recovering, though not yet able to be down stairs, a woman, giving the name of Ellen Williams, called on me; said she heard of my goodness to the sick and wounded: that she had just come from Covington, where she lived; was going out again, if she could get a pass from either of those brutes, Banks or Reynolds, and as she wanted to do a favor to one who had done so many disinterestedly, she would take letters for me. She handed me then a dirty, crumpled note, (that she said she feared even the birds to know she had,) directed Mrs. Hill, purporting to be from a Gen. Tom Taylor, Clinton, La. I told her I was not Mrs. Hill, and the letter was not for me.
About this time Gen. Banks was defeated on the Red River, so I wrote a letter to my brother, saying what a splendid commissary Gen. Banks made to the rebels, and told him how ill I had been,

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thanks to the United States, and just a woman's satirical letter, which a man of sense would have laughed at. Not so Gen. Banks, as the sequel will show. Ellen Williams called again, and I gave her three letters for the Confederate States See these letters with my trial.
At this time I had letters from friends and prisoners on Johnson's Island, who were perishing with cold for want of clothes, and starving for want of food, having to trap rats to satisfy nature's cravings, asking me to try and help them. I went amongst my friends on their behalf, though hardly able to stand, I was so weak. One of those days, returning home, I was told a gentleman had called to see me. He introduced himself as Capt. Frost, provost sheriff, and had an order for my arrest and imprisonment. I told him I was a British subject; that I was in invalid, just recovering from a malignant fever. It was all useless; so, without a word why or wherefore, I was arrested. He put me in a cab and took me to the women's prison, presided over by a Dutch brute named Laurence. I was shown to a small room, with a barricade against its one window, which was nailed down. The weather was warm (it was May), and I being so weak, asked him to have the window raised for air. I expected the jailor would have struck me, he was so furious, and called me up one of the guards to make it more secure. Next morning I got sight of my sister and was going to speak to her, when this said jailor shut the door in my face, chased me up stairs, and told the spy of the house to lock me ups, and that he would put me in irons. Major Porter, provost marshal, called soon after to warn me as to my behavior. So I, a lady and a very sick woman, was treated from the first as a great criminal. I often wonder since I kept my senses; for many have lost their reason for less cruelty.
I asked this pompous creature what I was arrested for. He did not know had not time to look over the papers; I was arrested by order of Gen. Reynolds, and he was my custodian, and off he set.
Three days after Porter called again and said the charges against me were, corresponding with and giving information to the enemy. I asked to see the British consul; I could write to him through the provost marshal's office. After he left, my jailor informed me my prison treatment would be as follows; for bed, a mattress without sheets or mosquito bar. I would have to carry water and to scrub the floor; to eat my meals in the yard and out of tinware, and with all the riff-raff who came there; fare pork, beans, bread and coffee. He raved and stormed at me, threatened the irons again. I was terrified.
Who can paint, what words can tell the horrors of Yankee prisons and Yankee jailors! Next morning I was very ill could not even get a cup of coffee. I wrote to Mr. Coppell, acting consul, who wrote me word he would attend to my case; it was not necessary to see me. I differed with him. It was his duty to see me and hear what I had to say, he knowing me to be a British subject. I will say here, he was just nobody, as a representative of any Court,

p. 63.
and particularly during a war of such magnitude. I wrote to my sister, Mrs. Van Slooten, to go to Gen. Reynolds for a pass, that she might send me necessary food; a permit was given; she had to hire a boy to bring me my meals every day for three months. The shock my nervous system received prostrated me completely, and I had to send for Dr. Stone. See his letter marked. Had it not been for him I would have died or gone mad. When telling Dr. Stokes, of Dublin, afterwards, when I had to consult him for disease contracted during my imprisonment, he said he wondered I had not died.
For three long weeks I was cut off from the outer world, not allowed to see a living soul belonging to me, and shut up in the miserable room I mentioned before. So I wrote a letter to Lord Lyons, at Washington, telling of my treatment; that my relations could get no satisfaction; treated with gross insolence and handed about from one office to another, and when spoken to, told they should not press a trial, as "every day I was not tried was a day of grace;" that I ought to have been hanged long ago. (The best Government here set the example, by her underlings of office, of passing sentence before trial,) I wrote to Gen. Reynolds that he would have my life to answer for if he did not change me from the room I was in, or have the window opened. Major Porter called, seemed quite horrified at my changed appearance, and gave me a better room.
At last I was informed I was about to be tried. I asked if I could employ counsel. Yes, but it was not necessary. I asked a permit to see the Hon. Christian Roselius, a lawyer and a Union man. But when he came, the spies of the house walked in to hear what he had to say.
Well, the military commission held their court, and , escorted by my jailor, I was brought before it; it was composed of five officers, who, one and all, looked as amiably at me as if it would be a gratification to put their swords through me. I found this military inquisition a secret court, in which you are pre-judged where there is plenty of law, but no justice where the farce of a trial goes on where all have made up their minds to bring you in guilty. Mr. Roselius, my counsel, was in his place. Ellen Williams, the witness against me, and my trial began. Ellen Williams was sworn most solemnly to tell the truth, the whole truth, and when under oath, being asked her name, said it was Coulon; asked again her name, she swore to a third, which I forget (see trial) a very credible witness, and the only one against me the Yankees' own creature and spy, that they bought with a few dollars to swear innocent women's lives away. I was accused of blockade running. I never did: and to show how false it was, Mr. Roselius handed in my passes from their own offices of provost marshal and my passport from the Foreign Office, London. To sum up: for five days the subtlety of law was tried to bring me in guilty. The doctor (a Union man) who attended me in the scarlet fever, was called, my sister and her husband, as also their servants. Mr. Roselius called for Gen. Reynolds, (who kept out of the way,) but

p. 64.
sent his substitute, and others were called by my counsel. On the last day Mr. Roselius read my defense, which should have shamed this iniquitous court, as he showed that those who should have protected the subjects of all nations, and who were the conservators of the law, had actually gone to work to set traps for the innocent to fall into. So ended this shameful trial.
The judge advocate did have the grace to say to me that the duty which had devolved upon him had been the most painful of his office. I was sent back to prison without a word. A day after the trial Mr. Roselius asked my brother-in-law why I had not been to see him, and when he heard because I was still in prison, he said it was shameful, as the minute my trial ended I should have been a free woman. See his letter.
As a woman, as an alien, I should have been tried, if tried at all, in a civil court and in public, where no jury could prove me guilty of the ridiculous charges trumped up against me. Why, the United States are guilty of writing the scrawl signed Gen. Tom Taylor; but the overdid the thing, as there was no general of that name, and at the date of the letter I was in Richmond; and as to conveying intelligence to the enemy, writing a funny letter to your brother who held no military rank, was no treasurer, and I was not Mrs. Hill. The whole was so disgraceful a business that the United States Government should bring to justice the officers guilty of making them ridiculous in trying such cases to justice.
Weeks after the trial an order was sent me to go on a flag of truce into the Confederate lines, by order of Gen. Banks; to take one hundred dollars greenbacks, not a dollar of specie or Confederate money, and a limited amount of baggage. To save further persecution, I sent a list of what I wanted to take to the provost marshal; he endorsed the list corrected. On the boat the trunks were searched, and the very articles endorsed on the pass were taken from me. Then there was a difficulty between that respected U. S. officer Gen. Canby and Gen. Banks; result, boat stopped; so at 12 o'clock at night women and children had all to come back to the city. I offered to pay for a carriage but my jailor would not allow it I must walk. Several times I had to sit on door steps in the street to rest, I was so worn out. A few days after a new order, and I was sent into Confederate lines, a banished subject of the most powerful nation upon earth. I tell you things were carried with a high hand in New Orleans against England in those times.
I went to Richmond, where I had to recruit, my health was so bad. I then got a pass from the Confederate authorities to leave their lines, and as my money was used up, I went to Mr. Augustus Myers, British consular agent, (I believe,) who introduced me to a gentleman, who, hearing how I was situated, told Mr. Myers to lend me and put into his account what money I needed. See letter acknowledging the paying back this money. Mr. Myers made the arrangement for my leaving Richmond, which I did 3d January, 1865. I understand Mr. Myers is dead, or I would get a letter to prove this. I went to New York, and as my money

p. 65.
gave out, I went to the British consul, Mr. Archibald, who through his Vice, Mr. Pierrepont, went security for my passage on steamship Edinburg, (I paid this money in Liverpool.) I reached Queenstown 1st February, and on my native soil, and under the protecting folds of the glorious flag of Old England, thanked my God for being from amongst such contemptible enemies as the persecutors of women.
While in London I received a letter from New Orleans stating that that very day news reached that city of the assassination of Lincoln, two men went to my sister's house and asked to see Miss Hill. She said I was away from the city from the August before. They said they knew better, and would search the house. One fellow turns to the other and says, "You stand at the door and let no one out while I search;" and watch he did, even to the bake oven, as my little nephew told me after. When he came down he says to my sister; "It is strange, as I know she is in the city, and I will have your house watched." [she is a foreigner, her husband a Hanoverian.] she told him I was where he dare not molest me. "Where was that?" he demanded. "Under my own flag in England," she replied. "How did she know? Let her show my letters." My blood boiled with indignation when I read this, to think I was hunted by such wretches as if I were a murderer. I wrote to Gen. Canby, who then ruled New Orleans, telling him it was his duty to have the matter inquired into and the doers punished.
The whole thing now shows me it was a mistaken identity. There was a blockade runner named Miss Hill, that French ladies, friends of Gen. Reynolds, acknowledged to me in prison. Then Reynolds released those ladies himself. The were arrested for bringing uniforms to Confederate relatives of theirs. He actually came to the prison where he had me shut up on false charges, and before my eyes released his own friends for deeds glaringly committed. Mr. Roselius said Gen. Reynolds had the name of being a sensible man, and he could not understand how he mixed himself up in such an affair as mine. So much for justice in war time.
There was a Miss Hill who traded in dry goods whenever she had a chance to run out. And there was a Mrs. Hill, who had a son a colonel in Scott's cavalry, and stationed at Clinton, La., and no doubt this was the lady they were after, as she was very active, running out to this son everything he needed, even to a fine cavalry horse. I have no hesitation in saying it was this Mrs. Hill that the Yankees wanted. She lived in their midst, had ample means, and her son was a colonel in Scott's cavalry, Clinton, La. I heard of her while I was in prison, and also that when she heard a Hill had been arrested she left New Orleans for New York. Well, they caught a Hill, and she was made the scapegoat.
Dr. Stone asked my brother-in-law what I had done to the Yankees to make them so bitter. Of course he replied nothing. "Well," said the doctor, 'they think her equal to the Grecian horse."
While in London I also received a pamphlet of court martials

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for August, 1864, wherein your humble servant, Mary S. Hill, figures as giving information to and corresponding with the enemy. Giving information, the gist of the whole thing, not proved; corresponding, writing to my brother, private Samuel Wm. Hill, proved; sentence to be imprisoned during the war; wherever Gen. Banks approved, modified to banishment as an enemy. It is too bad that a General who commanded flying troops should mind so much the sting of a woman's pen, and fear her.
I remained in Europe at great expense ten months. Came back to New Orleans October, 1865, met Mr. Coppell, acting British consul, who asked me if I knew what he had done for me. I told him I never knew he had done anything. He said, yes, he had gone to Gen. Banks and asked as a favor and the promise to be my security to allow me to go to England in the Sir Wm. Peel, then in port, released from their power. He refused, saying, "No place was fit for me but the Confederacy, where he meant to send me." Mr. Coppell replied, "What is the use? She will go to England." "Well, let her; she will have to run the blockade. She will have plenty of trouble; perhaps it will teach her to behave herself the rest of her days."
He had his desire; I did have plenty of trouble, but with it all I am not ashamed of what I did. I did a woman's part when most needed ministering to the wounded, the sick and the distressed, and with very little means. If my persecutors did as much good and as little evil, they need not fear appearing either before the bar of their country or the great bar of our God when he meets us in judgment for deeds done.
Well, they were troubled times. Clergymen dragged from their pulpits, women thrown into prison, and, horrible to relate, hanged. May no such evil and bitter feeling ever again run the riot they did in this land, is the prayer of one who felt it all.
I forgot to state that the Yankee spy, Ellen Williams, was a spy in the hospitals among the sick and dying. Also, that during my imprisonment my jailor sent for me; said he was sorry to see me so ill, and that my affair was so foolish if I would write to the General and say I was sorry for what I had done, I would not be tried; I would be released on parole. I believe they felt like the man with the elephant, with me; they had me and did not know what to do with me. I refused the offer; so, as they had committed themselves to John Bull, they took advantage of the inquisition. Countrymen, Members of Her Britannic Majesty's Joint High Commission I leave my case in your honorable hands, feeling that justice, even at this late hour, will be done me, and the insult to our flag; through me, be canceled, as England always has and always will protect the most humble of her subjects. As I said before, my health is ruined, so I do not consider the damage of two thousand pounds excessive.
Mary Sophia Hill.
New Orleans, Louisiana, October, 1871.
Care of H. B. M. Consul.

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I asked my lawyer had he the papers of my trial. He says no, they are in Washington.
Mary Sophia Hill
Sworn to and subscribed before me, New Orleans, October 14th, 1871
N. B. Trist, Notary Public.

Book 2.
Before the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims.
Mary S. Hill vs the United States, No. 198.
Depositions in rebutting for Claimant.

Deposition of Elizabeth Van Slooten.
Monday, the 31st of March, at the British consulate, New Orleans before A. de G. de Fonblanque, Esquire, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul.
Present: Mr. Garrett Walker for claimant. Mr. M. A. Dooley, for United States.
Elizabeth Van Slooten having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, condition and residence.
A. My name is Elizabeth Van Slooten, age, fourth-four years; the wife of John Van Slooten, of 42 Dergigny street, New Orleans.
Question by the consul: Have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim, and are you any relation to the claimant?
A. I have no such direct interest; I am sister of the claimant.
Q. Do you know if claimant is a British subject?
A. Yes; I know she is.
Q. Do you know if she was within the Confederate lines during the war?
A. Yes, I do.
Q. Do you know in what capacity she was there?
A. I don't know of any, except to see my brother.
Q. When she returned to this city in 1864, where did she reside?
A. She stayed with me.
Q. Was she still residing with you when she was arrested by Captain Frost?
A. Yes.
Q. State her condition at that time.
A. She was recovering from scarlet fever.
Q. State what you know of her treatment during her imprisonment.
A. She was prevented from seeing any of us for three weeks.
Q. During her imprisonment did you furnish her with food and supplies?
A. I did.
Q. State why.
A. She had nothing there but pork and beans and that was not suitable for a sick woman.

p. 68.
Q. What was the condition of her health during her imprisonment?
A. She was in a very nervous state.
Q. Did you procure medical attendance for her?
A. Yes; Doctor Stone attended her several times.
Q. How long was she imprisoned?
A. Three months and some days; I don't remember how many.
Q. What was the condition of her health after she was released?
A. She was nervous still.
Q. Do you know of any person of the same name and initials who went into the Confederacy?
A. No, I do not; I know of a lady named Hill who did so, but her initials were not M. S.
Q. State all you know about that lady.
A. Her name was Anna Hill; all I know is that she went into the Confederacy; I do not know what was her business there.
Cross examination by counsel for the United States:
Q. Where was the claimant born?
A. In Dublin, Ireland.
Q. When did she come to the United States?
A. In the year 1851.
Q. In what part of the United States has she resided ever since?
A. In New Orleans.
Q. Did her father, mother, and other members of her family accompany her to the United States?
A. Her parents were dead; she and I came together.
Q. Were you two the only surviving members of the family at that time?
A. We had a brother, who was here before we came.
Q. Was he residing in New Orleans when you and claimant came here?
A. No, he was on the coast.
Q. Did he participate in the late war between the United and Confederate States: if so, on which side, and in what capacity did he serve?
A. He did; in the Confederate military service, he was a private.
Q. Is he a citizen of the United States?
A. No, sir.
Q. Was he a citizen of the Confederate States?
A. No, sir.
Q. Why then did he serve in its military force?
A. I don't know.
Q. Where did the claimant spend her time during the period of the said late war?
A. Part of it in the Confederacy and part in New Orleans.
Q. Was not the claimant in the habit of passing from New Orleans when it was in the possession of the United States military authorities into what was known then as the Confederacy, and returning to New Orleans?
A. Yes.

p. 69.
Q. Upon what charge was she arrested at the time specified in your examination-in-chief?
A. I don't know.
Q. Was she tried upon any charge by a military commission or court-martial?
A. Yes.
Q. What was the charge before the tribunal?
A. Giving information to the enemy, they said.
Q. What was the result of that trial?
A. She was sentenced to be sent into the Confederacy.
Q. Did you reside in New Orleans all the time during the war?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. When the claimant returned from the Confederacy to New Orleans from time to time, did she make your house her home?
A. Yes.
Q. Do you know anything of the claimant having visited Richmond, Virginia, in the month of May or June, 1863?
A. No.
Q. Do you know of her having received a letter of recommendation from General Harry T. Hayes, of the Confederate States army, introducing her to James A. Seddon, Secretary of War of the Confederate States.
A. No.
Q. Where was claimant in the months of May, June, July and August, 1863?
A. She was in prison.
Q. What was her business in passing to and from New Orleans, whilst in possession of the Federal forces, into the Confederacy?
A. She wished to see my brother there, and the rest of the family here.
Q. Where was her residence at that time?
A. With me.
Q. How often did she so pass?
A. I think, three times.
Q. How did she manage to get out of the Federal lines into the Confederacy?
A. She always had a pass.
Q. From whom did she obtain these passes?
A. From the generals. From Killborn she got one, I think; he was a United States officer.
Q. Did Killborn ever grant her a pass to go into the Confederacy?
A. Yes.
Q. How was she able to get back into New Orleans?
A. I don't know.
Q. Do you know what claimant brought into New Orleans from the Confederacy, and what she took out there from on those trips?
A. I do not; I don't think she brought anything.
Q. Did she not bring and take letters and communications?
A. Not that I am aware of.
Elizabeth Van Slooten

p. 70.
Deposition of John Van Slooten
John Van Slooten having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, residence, and occupation.
A. My name is John Van Slooten; I am 47 years of age; I am an engineer, of 42 Derbigny street, New Orleans.
Q. by the consul: Are you any relation of the claimant; and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. I am her brother-in-law; I have no such interest.
Q. Was claimant arrested in your house by Captain Frost?
A. Yes; I lived then at the corner of Rampart and Melpomone streets.
Q. What was her condition as to bodily health at that time?
A. She was weak and suffering from scarlet fever, and had a very bad cough.
Q. State anything you know respecting her treatment during her imprisonment.
A. It was three weeks before I could get to see her; I saw her by accident. There were several in the same room with her.
Q. What was her condition after she was released?
A. She was weak and suffering.
Q. Did you provide medical assistance for her?
A. Certainly; Dr. Stone went to her.
Q. When she was in this city at different times during the war, where did she reside?
A. At my house.
Q. Do you know if she was furnished with passes from the proper Federal authorities each and every time she left the city?
A. She was.
Q. Did you ever know her to take anything into the Confederacy?
A. No; everything was searched; she had nothing but what was allowed. At one time she had too much writing paper, and they took some of it away.
Q. Who went with her to see her off?
A. I did, several times.
Q. Was her baggage searched every time?
A. Every time.
Cross-examined:
Q. When claimant left New Orleans for the Confederacy, the several times you have mentioned, which route did she take?
A. By Lake Ponchartrain.
Q. From what Federal officer did she get passes?
A. The last time from General Banks; once before from Provost Marshall Killborn. I don't know about the other times.
Q. Was not the pass from General Banks given after her conviction by court-martial?
A. It was.
Q. With the exception of that pass from General Banks, did any Federal officer ever give claimant a pass to go into the Confederacy; if so, give the name and rank of the officer.

p. 71.
A. She always had a pass, but I cannot state the name of the officer, except Colonel Killborn, who gave it.
Q. Were you examined as a witness before the court-martial which tried claimant?
A. I was.
Q. Was your wife also so examined?
A. Yes.
Q. Where was claimant in May, June, July, and August, 1863?
A. That is more than I can tell you; I have a bad memory for dates.
Q. When claimant was arrested on the charge upon which she was tried, had she not recently returned from the Confederacy?
A. She had returned from three days to a week.
Re-examined:
Q. Do you know if claimant applied, after her conviction, to go to England in a ship from this port?
A. She did, and it was refused.
J. Van Slooten
Adjourned to Tuesday, April 1st.

Tuesday, April 1st, 1873.
Present: Mr. Garrett Walker, for claimant; Mr. M. A. Dooley, for United States.
Deposition of Lindsey Brodie Hill.
Lindsey Brodie Hill, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, condition and residence.
A. My name is Lindsey Brodie Hill; I am fifty years of age; the wife of Alexander Hill, of 169 St. Charles street, New Orleans.
Question by the consul: Are you any relation of the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. I am not; I have none at all.
Q. Where did you reside during the late war?
A. In this city, as at present.
Q. During the war, did you ever pass from this city into the Confederacy?
A. I did.
Q. How often did you so pass?
A. Four or five times; I think five, but am not positive.
Q. Were these trips always made under passes from Federal officers?
A. always.
Q. Will you state whether you ever took with you into the Confederacy, as baggage, anything that was contraband of war?
A. Plenty of things.
Q. Was this ever discovered by the Federal authorities?
A. Never.
Q. Did you ever make a trip into the Confederacy in the year 1864; if so, when?
A. Yes; some time in the spring; February or March, I think.

p. 72.
Q. Did you on that trip take anything that was contraband of war?
A. Yes, I did, every time I went.
Q. Do you know of any other ladies of the name of Hill who made trips into the Confederacy from New Orleans?
A. I know of one who took the name of Hill.
Q. Do you know of anything that would lead you to think that the claimant was mistaken for any other Miss Hill?
A. I believe she was.
[Counsel for United States objects to question and answer.]
Cross-examined.
Q. What officers of the United States gave you passes to go from New Orleans into the Confederacy, and state their rank.
A. I don't remember their names, except that of Colonel Killborn; I think I had one from General Banks.
Q. Did not these passes only grant you permission to visit points within the Federal lines?
A. No, sir.
Q. When you speak in your examination-in-chief of having carried contraband of war, what do you mean?
A. I took a horse; I supplied my son entirely with clothing; I took him a cavalry pistol; and the horse; I never failed to take him cavalry boots; I supplied his friends as well as I could, as presents; I took what little medicine I could, and presents from ladies who had been kind to my son; I took and brought letters.
Q. Did you ever assume another name to obtain passes?
A. No, never.
Q. When did you become personally acquainted with Miss Hill, the claimant?
A. About a year ago; but I had heard of her before.
L. B. Hill.

Deposition of Ann Hill
Anne Hill, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, condition and residence.
A. My name is Ann Hill; I am 40 years of age; single, of Julia street, New Orleans.
Question of the consul: Are you any relation to the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. Not that I know of; I have no interest whatever in this claim.
Q. State where you resided during the late war.
A. Part of the time in Mississippi and part in New Orleans.
Q. During the war did you ever pass in or out of federal lines?
A. Yes.
Q. Will you state whether you ever experienced any difficulty in coming in or going out of New Orleans?
A. Not the least.
Q. State whether you were ever imprisoned by the Federal authorities; and if so what was the cause?
A. Yes; I could not tell the cause.
Q. Did you ever go out of the Federal lines under another person's name?
A. Yes, I did; under my sister's name, as Mrs. Allen.
Cross-examined:
Q. When were you imprisoned?
A. I cannot say exactly, but it was near the close of the war.
Q. How long were you detained?
A. Two nights.
Q. Can you not state the cause of your arrest?
A. I suppose it was to take the oaths of the ladies that were with me.
Q. Were you about to leave New Orleans when you were arrested?
A. No; I had just returned from Pass Christian and Mobile.
Q. When did you first make the acquaintance of the claimant?
A. About 15 years ago.
Ann Hill
Adjourned to Friday, April 4th.

Friday, April 4th.
Present: Mr. G. Walker, for claimant; Mr. M. A. Dooley, for United States.
Deposition of Christian Roselius
Christian Roselius having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, occupation, and residence?
A. My name is Christian Roselius; I am 69 years of age; attorney and counsel, of Broadway, New Orleans.
Question by the consul: Are you any relation to the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. No relation, no interest.
Q. Were you employed as counsel to defend the claimant before a court-martial held in New Orleans in the year 1864.
A. Yes.
Q. State the results of that trial.
A. The claimant was found guilty of all charges made against her, but upon representations made to General Banks, the finding was modified; it had been imprisonment during the war, but was reduced to her being ordered to leave the federal lines.
Q. Can you state the evidence against her?
[Counsel for the United States objects to the question.]
A. The evidence consisted principally
(Question withdrawn)
No cross-examination.
J. Roselius.
Adjourned to Saturday, the 5th April.

Saturday, April 5th.
Present; Mr Garrett Walker for the claimant; Mr. M. A. Dooley for United States.

p. 74.
Deposition of Caroline Dimitry.
Caroline Dimitry, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, condition and residence.
A. My name is Caroline Sophia Dimitry; I am 54 years of age; widow of Michael Dimitry deceased; I live at 274 Caliope street, New Orleans.
Question by the cousul: Are you any relation of the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. No relation; no interest whatever.
Q. State where you first became acquainted with claimant.
A. In the prison in Julia street.
Q. How long was it after her arrest?
A. I think two or three days.
Q. What was her bodily condition?
A. Very sick; she had had scarlet fever and was not recovered.
Q. How was she treated as a prisoner?
A. The jailor always spoke to her very harshly.
Q. Can you state what was the character of the food and accommodation?
A. Not from my own knowledge about accommodation; but I know that the food was very bad; she was not permitted to receive anything from her relations.
Q. Can you state whether during the time of her imprisonment she was in solitary confinement?
A. I do not know anything about that.
Cross-examined:
Q. Were you confined in the same prison with claimant?
A. I was.
Q. Upon what charge were you in prison?
A. I do not know; it is a mystery to me to this day.
Q. How long were you detained?
A. From 14 to 15 days, the first time, and about nine days the second.
Q. Were you tried on any charge?
A. No.
Re-examined:
Q. What do you know about one Ellen Williams?
A. My impression is that she was a spy, because she brought me some music from claimant which had come from a friend of mine in the Confederacy, and because I saw her afterwards in the prison.
Q. Was she a prisoner?
A. No.
C. S. Dimitry.

Deposition of Clino Dimitry
Clino Dimitry, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, occupation, and residence.
A. My name is Clino Sophia Dimitry; I am 26 years of age; unmarried, teacher; of 274 Caliope street, New Orleans.

p. 75.
Question by the counsel: Are you any relation of the claimant; and have you any interest, direct or indirect in this claim?
A. No relation; no interest whatever.
Q. When did you first become acquainted with claimant?
A. In the prison.
Q. Were you a prisoner?
A. No sir; I was there to see my mother, the last witness.
Q. What was the condition of claimant's health?
A. She was complaining of not being well.
Q. Did you meet her after her release?
A. I do not remember when I first met her after her release.
Q. Did you ever furnish her with food or clothing whilst she was a prisoner?
A. I took her clothing, not food.
Q. Do you know if she was in actual need of clothing?
A. Yes, I believe she was.
Cross-examined.
Q. Where was the claimant in the months of May, June, July and August, 1863?
A. I do not know.
Q. Was not the treatment of the claimant in prison the same as that of other persons?
A. I think it was harsher; it was currently reported so.
Clino S. Dimitry.

Deposition of Caroline Hubbard.
Caroline Hubbard, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State you name, age condition and residence.
A. My name is Caroline Hubbard; I am forty years of age; unmarried; a teacher; of 529 Charter street, New Orleans.
Question by the consul: Are you any relation to the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. No relation, and no interest whatever.
Q. State where you first became acquainted with the claimant.
A. In the military prison, Julia street, on the 27th July 1863.
Q. Were you a prisoner at that time?
A. Yes; but I was released the same evening.
Q. What do you know of the treatment of the prisoners there?
A. I know nothing of my personal knowledge; Lawrence, who was in charge of the prison, was very rough with me.
Q. Do you know any other Miss Hill?
A. I met one a month or two before I saw claimant; she had come from the Confederacy into New Orleans with my mother.
Q. Did you help her to get a pass out of the city?
A. I did; I went with her to General Reynolds, who said he could do for her. I never saw her again, and so cannot say if she got the pass or no, but I presume she did, as she did not return to me.
No cross-examination.
Caroline Hubbard

p. 76.
Deposition of Marcelina Hanlon.
Marcelina Hanlon, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, condition, and residence.
A. My name is Marcelina Hanlon; I am thirty five years of age, the widow of Joseph Hanlon, deceased; no occupation; of Melpomone street, corner of Howard street, New Orleans.
Question by the consul; Are you any relation of the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. No relation, and no interest whatever.
Q. Did you meet claimant in prison?
A. Yes; I was a prisoner at the same time.
Q. What was the character of your treatment?
A. Very bad, indeed.
Q. Can you state if claimant was treated as badly as you were?
A. I think she was.
Cross-examined:
Q. Upon what charge were you imprisoned?
A. Using some else's pass, coming into New Orleans from Baton Rouge.
Marcelina Hanlon

Deposition of Frederika J. Wiemouth.
Frederika J Weymount, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, condition, and residence.
A. My name is Frederika Johanna Weymouth; I am twenty eight years of age, the wife of James Weymouth, of 648 Magaxine street, New Orleans.
Question by the consul; Are you any relation of the claimant, and have you any interest, direct or indirect, in this claim?
A. Her sister is married to my uncle; I have no interest whatever in her claim.
Q. Did you ever visit claimant in prison?
A. Yes; I believe I was the first to see her.
Q. Were you present when a conversation took place between claimant and Major Porter, and can you state what was the subject of it?
A. It was principally to ascertain the cause of her imprisonment.
Q. Did Major Porter tell her the cause?
A. He gave her no definite cause; he said she was regarded as a dangerous character.
Q. Can you state how long it was after her imprisonment before claimant was allowed to see any of her relatives.
A. Not positively; I think about three weeks.
Q. Did you see claimant shortly after her release; and if so, what was the condition of her health?
A. I did; she was very feeble.>br? Q. What was the condition of her health at the time of her arrest?

p. 77.
A. Convalescent, after an attack of scarlet fever.
No cross-examination.
F. J. Weymouth.

Deposition of Garrett Walker.
Garrett Walker, having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. State your name, age, occupation, and residence.
A. My name is Garrett Walker; I am 26 years of age; I am counsel and attorney for claimant; of 502 Baronne street, New Orleans; I am no relation of the claimant, and I have no interest in the claim. I produce a letter, marked with the letter A, purporting to be written by the late Dr. Warren Stone, who died a few months ago; it is in his handwriting, and is signed by him:
[Counsel for claimant tenders the said letter in evidence. Counsel for the United States accepts the above proof of Dr. Stone's signature, but objects to the reception of the letter in evidence, as being an ex parte statement.]
Garrett Walker
Adjourned to Tuesday, April 15th.

Tuesday, April 15th.
Present: Mr. Garrett Walker for claimant. Mr. M. A. Dooley for United States.
Deposition of Mary Sophia Hill
Mary Sophia Hill having been duly sworn, deposed as follows:
Q. Are you the claimant in this case?
A. I am.
Q. State where you were in the year 1861, and what you were doing at that time.
A. I was in Northern Virginia part of the year, and part in New Orleans where I was teaching. In Virginia I was nursing the sick, and looking after my brother, who was in the Confederate army as a private.
Q. Did you come into New Orleans in 1862; and if so, under what passport?
A. I did; under a passport from the British consulate at Richmond.
Q. How long did you remain, and to what place did you go when you left?
A. About a month; I went to Virginia again and was occupied as stated before.
Q. When did you return to New Orleans again?
A. In 1863.

p. 78.
Q. Did you leave again in 1863; and if so, under what passport, and to what place?
A. I did; on a pass from Colonel Kilborn, and went to Europe on private business.
Q. When did you return to New Orleans, and under what passport?
A. In September of the same year; on my British passport, and on landing took the oath of neutrality.
Q. Did you again leave New Orleans for the Confederacy; and if so, under what pass?
A. I did about October, with a pass from Captain Pearson, endorsed by Colonel Beckwith, officers of the provost marshal.
Q. How long did you remain in the confederacy, and what was your employment whilst there; when you left, where did you go?
A. About five months; I was occupied visiting the hospitals; I came back to New Orleans.
Q. State from what point in the Confederacy you came into New Orleans, and under what pass.
A. From Pass Christian, under a flag of truce, and under my British passport.
Q. What was your treatment on landing?
A. I was arrested and put in prison for not having a Federal pass; I was kept two days and a half in prison, and released upon showing my oath of neutrality, by Captain Twiney, I think, on parole to report again; I did so, and was told I need not come again; from the effects of the excitement and walking about and bad treatment in the prison, I got scarlet fever, of which I nearly died.
Q. Did you ever receive a letter from a woman called Ellen Williams, and to whom was such letter addressed?
A. Yes; it was addressed Mrs. Hill.
Q. Was this one of the letters used in evidence against you on your trial by court-martial?
[Counsel for United States objects to the question, as the proceedings of the court are matters of record, and should be produced as being the best evidence.]
A. Yes; it was a bogus letter.
Q. Can you state its date?
A. I think it was dated 12th or 13th April, 1864.
Q. Where were you at that time?
A. I was at Richmond, Virginia.
Q. Did you have any further conversations with Ellen Williams?
A. Yes; she told me she had come over from Mrs. Dimitry, and that Mrs. Dimitry was going to the Confederacy to her husband; I gave her a piece of music for her daughter, (Mrs. Dimitry,) which I had not had an opportunity of presenting myself, as I was sick.
Q. Did Ellen Williams offer to carry letters for you into the Confederacy?
A. Yes; if she could get a pass either from General Reynolds or Banks; she had applied for one, she said.

p. 79.
Q. Did you give her any letters to carry out?
A. I gave her three; those mentioned in the proceedings of the court-martial.
Q. When you gave them, did you do so under the belief that she had obtained a pass?
A. I believe she had one; this was a day or two after her first call when she said she had applied for one.
Q. Did you or not know that letters sent into the Confederacy through persons traveling under passes were subject to examination by Federal authorities?
A. I did know they were.
Q. State how, when and by whom you were arrested the second time, and what was your physical condition at the time?
A. I was arrested about the 21st of May, 1864, by Captain Frost, provost sheriff of New Orleans; I was extremely weak and ill.
Q. Where were you imprisoned, and for what length of time, and what was your treatment in prison?
A. In the woman's prison, 200 Julia street, for three months; I was for three weeks treated worse that a murderer, and all through with great harshness and severity.
Q. What was the effect of such treatment on your physical health?
A. It very nearly sent me deranged.
Q. Were you subject to medical treatment whilst a prisoner, and by whom was such treatment furnished?
A. Dr. Warren Stone attended me; he was sent by my brother-in-law.
Q. When were you first informed of the charge for which you were arrested?
A. On the third evening of my confinement.
Q. Was it ever proposed to you to settle the matter by a compromise, and by whom was such a proposition made, and what were the terms?
A. It was; by Mr. Lawrence, the officer of the prison, who sent for me; said he was sorry to see me looking so ill, and that if I would write a letter to the commanding general saying that what I had done was all foolishness, and apologize, I would be released without trial; I asked him on what terms, and he said of course on a parole, and I refused.
Q. How long were you imprisoned before you were tried?
A. I suppose about six weeks.
Q. When was the decision of the court first made known to you?
A. Not until after I had been sent away; I saw it in England.
Q. When did you first hear that you were to be banished from this city.
A. Several weeks after the trial.
Q. On hearing this order of banishment, did you make application to the Federal authorities to be sent to England, and with what result?
A. I did, through the acting British consul, to go by the "Sir

p. 80.
William Peel," which was then in port; it was refused by General Banks.
Q. Where were you sent?
A. Into the Confederate lines.
Cross-examined:
Q. What became of the letter given you by Ellen Williams what you mentioned in your examination-in-chief?
A. I do not know.
Q. From whom did that letter purport to come, and what name was subscribed to it?
A. From a gentleman of whose name I had never heard up to that time; it was purported to be from a General Tom Taylor.
Q. What was its purport?
A. I have not the least remembrance now.
Q. State to the best of your remembrance, the subject-matter of the letter.
A. To the best of my remembrance, it was a letter I could make no meaning out of it; it was very ambiguous.
Q. Was it in reply to that letter that you wrote the letter dated New Orleans, May 20th, addressed to General Tom Taylor, which appears in the printed proof, affixed for the defense in the case?
A. It was.
Q. You have stated that whilst in prison, you were treated like a murderer. Please to describe the statement.
A. To begin with, I was put into a very closed and unhealthy room, with its one window closed and barricaded; I was not allowed to speak to any one, or have a light at night, and the jailor threatened to put me in irons; he said he had the power to do so, and his housekeeper had orders to lock me up. I did not even have a change of clothing, and, for a considerable time, was not allowed to communicate with my family, and every obstacle was thrown in the way of my communicating with them, even when I was extremely ill. At first, the doctor was not allowed to see me. The Federal authorities said they would send their own physician to see me.
Q. Were you ever put in irons?
A. No.
Q. Is the jailor, of whom you have spoken, who threatened to put you in irons, the same person who advised you to send a letter of apology to the Federal authorities with a view of obtaining your release?
A. It was.
Q. Where were you on the 20th day of May, 1863?
A. I suppose in the Confederacy.
Q. Can you state where?
A. Somewhere in Northern Virginia; either in Richmond or Charlesville.
Q. Do you know General Harry T. Hays, late brigadier-general in the Confederate service?
A. Yes, very well.

p. 81.
Q. Do you know where his command was in May, 1863?
A. Somewhere in Northern Virginia.
Q. Did you ever receive a letter from General Hays addressed to the Honorable James A. Seddon, Secretary at War of the late Confederate States?
A. Never.
Q. Did you ever present any letter to the same Mr. Seddon?
A. I did, after I was banished from New Orleans.
Q. By whom was that letter written, and when and where did you receive it?
A. I do not remember by whom it was written; I had applied for leave to quit the Confederate lines, and it was the answer. I applied to the President for such leave.
Q. Did you attend the sick and wounded of General Hays' brigade, in 1863?
A. I attended the sick and wounded Louisianians wherever they were.
Q. How long after May, 1863, did you remain in Northern Virginia?
A. Not long, because I left New Orleans for Europe in July.
Q. From whom did you get passes to return to New Orleans from Virginia at that time?
A. I had no passes; my British passport was sufficient.
Q. Did you not, in May, June, or July of 1863, apply to the Secretary of War of the Confederate States for passports to enable you to return to New Orleans?
A. I do not remember having done so.
Q. Did you ever receive a letter from General Harry T. Hays recommending you to the Secretary at War of the Confederate States, or any other high official of the same?
A. I never received a letter from General Harry T. Hays, or any other general in my life.
Q. Were you ever at General Hays' headquarters in Virginia?
A. Yes; I went to see my brother.
Q. Who was General Hays' adjutant, or who conducted his correspondence?
A. I do not know.
Q. Were you at General Hays' headquarters on the 20th May, 1863?
A. I may have been.
Q. Have you ever had an interview with James a Seddon, Secretary at War of the Confederate States?
A. No, I don't think I ever saw him.
Q. Did you ever send him any written communication on any subject?
A. No.
Q. Do you know if any person has done so on your behalf?
A. No; not until after my banishment.
Q. What do you mean by "after my banishment"?
A. I mean distinctly to state that I had nothing to do with the officers of the Confederate Government.

p. 82.
Q. Did you not have something to do with them after your banishment?
A. I made application for a pass.
Q. When you returned to New Orleans in July, 1863, did you pass through Mobile?
A. I did.
Q. Did you apply to any officer there for a pass?
A. No.
No re-examination.
Mary Sophia Hill

Claimant desires to correct an error in her testimony as taken by Commissioner Ker, in this: that in answer to the question propounded to her by counsel for the United States whether "she knew of any other Mary Sophia Hill or Mary S. Hill except herself," she is made to answer in evidence as printed that she did not, whereas in fact it should be that she did know no other Mary Sophia Hill but herself, but knew of a Mrs. Mary S. Hill, having heard of her, that she did not know her personally, but was aware of her existence only through having taken from the post office by mistake letters intended for her.
Mary Sophia Hill.

Sworn, deposed, and signed by the above-named Elizabeth Van Slooten, John Van Slooten, Lindsey Brodie Hill, Anne Hill, Christian Roselius, Caroline Dimitry, Clino Dimitry, Caroline Hubbard, Marcelina Hanlon, Fredrika J. Weymouth, Garrett Walker, and Mary Sophia Hill, before me, A. de G. de Fonblanque, Esquire, Her Britannic Majesty's consul at New Orleans, on the 31st day of March, the 1st, 4th, 5th, and 16th days of April 1873.
As witness my hand and seal of office, this 17th day of April, 1873.
[seal]
A. de G. de Fonblanque.

A, produced by Garrett Walker, 5, 4, '73. A. de G. de F.
I certify to having attended Miss Mary S. Hill while she was in prison in New Orleans, from June, 1864, to the latter part of August. She was suffering from throat disease, the result of scarlet fever, from which she was recovering when arrested. She was also suffering from great nervous excitement produced by the shock of her arrest and imprisonment in her then weak condition. I have no hesitation in saying that her health was permanently injured by the treatment she then received.
Warren Stone, M. D.
Professor of Surgery in the University of Louisiana
Acknowledged before me, this 14th February 1973.
[seal]
Geo. W. Christy, Notary Public.

Before the mixed Commission on British and American Claims.
Mary S Hill vs. The United States. No. 198
Proofs for Claimant.

p. 83.
Office Provost Marshall General of Louisiana, New Orleans
February 25th, 1863.
Pass Mrs. Hill, of New Orleans, from New Orleans to "Pontchatoula," per schr. Colmer.
This pass was given upon the parole of honor of the holder that she will in no way give information, countenance, aid, or support to the so-called Confederate Government or States.
James Bowder, Brig. General,
Provost Marshal General of Louisiana

District of the Gulf, Headquarters Military Post,
Mobile, October 18th, 1864
Mrs. Mary S. Hill, Richmond, Virginia
Madam: in answer to your letter of September 18, 1864, which has reached me some time since, and which circumstances beyond my control have prevented me from answering sooner, allow me to state that at the date therein mentioned I was in command at Clinton, La., but have no recollection of having written the note in question, and am the more confident of not having done so, as I have not the least remembrance of the case itself.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant.
Thos. H. Taylor, Colonel Commanding Post.

District of the Gulf, Headquarters Military Post,
Mobile, November 6th, 1864
Mrs. Mary S. Hill, Richmond, Virginia.
Madam: In reply to your last letter, allow me to repeat that I was in command, as brigadier general, at Clinton, Louisiana, up to about the 1st of April; that my appointment no having been sent to Congress, at its last session, for confirmation, I have retained my original rank, and am now on duty here as post commandant, and that I have no recollection of having written you the letter you state has implicated you, and have no reason to believe that I have done so. Knowing nothing about it, I regret having ho photograph to send you according to your wish. Trusting this statement will prove satisfactory, and thanking you for your kind wish, I have the honor, madam, to remain,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant.
Thos. H. Taylor, Colonel Commanding Post.

Before the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims.
Mary S. Hill vs. United States, No. 198. Deposition in rebutting for claimant. United States of America, District of Kentucky, sct:

Deposition of Thomas Hart Taylor.
The deposition of Thomas Hart Taylor, taken on the 10th day of February, 1873, at the office of the United States commissioner, in the city of Frankfort, county of Franklin, and district of Kentucky,

p. 84.
pursuant to notice duly executed, a copy of which is attached hereto, and returned herewith, and to be read as evidence before the "Mixed Commission on British and American Claims," in the matter of Mary S. Hill, claimant, versus The United States, pending before said Commission.
And the said Thomas Hart Taylor, being carefully examined, and cautioned, and duly sworn to testify the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, saith:
There being no one present to represent the said Mary S. Hill, the claimant, the following question is propounded to the witness by the commissioner, viz: Please examine the writing endorsed on the back of the notice hereto, and signed J. J. Key, attorney, &c., and state fully all you may know in regard to the subject-matter contained in said endorsement.
The letter mentioned as dated 10th of March, not so dated but dated 20th of March, on fifth page of printed proof for the defense, in the case of Mary S. Hill against the United States, before the Mixed Commission on American and British claims, I do not remember of having ever written to Mary S. Hill, nor do I believe I ever did. I never commanded the post of Clinton, Louisiana, nor were my headquarters, while commanding the district of southeast Louisiana, and south Mississippi, at Clinton. I do not believe on this account that the aforementioned letter could have been written to me, or in reply to a letter from me.
The counsel for the United States, Thos. Speed, not waiving any exceptions as to the informality in the manner of taking the above testimony, propounds the following cross-questions to the witness:
Cross-question No. 1. Have you any recollection of ever receiving a letter from the claimant, Mary S. Hill, of which the letter contained in the printed proofs, mentioned by you purports to be a copy?
Answer. No.
Cross -ques. 2. Can you now say you did not write a letter, or communication to which the said letter, the copy of which is in the printed proofs, on page five, is a reply?
Ans. I cannot swear positively, but to the best of my knowledge and belief, I did not.
Cross-ques. 3. Can you now state at what point your headquarters were, on the 20th of May, 1864?
Ans. In the country between Liberty and Clinton, but nearer Liberty. To the best of my recollection, these places are from ten to twelve miles apart.
Cross-ques. 4. Have you any recollection now of addressing any communication or communications, about that time, to any parties in reference to any matters of such character that if they had come to the hands of claimant herein, about that time, such a letter from her to you as the one copied in said printed proofs, on page five, would have been an appropriate reply thereto?
A. I have not.
Cross-ques. 5. Did you, at and about the time said copy in said printed proofs, at page five, is dated, to wit, May 20, 1864, have

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correspondence and communications in writing with both men and women, as detectives, spies, &c.?
A. I expect I did. My adjutant general did most of such correspondence.
Thos. H. Taylor

And I do further certify that the preceding deposition of Thos. Hart Taylor was taken before me, and was read to, and subscribed by him, in my presence, at the time and place and in the matters mentioned in the caption, the said Taylor having been first sworn by the that the evidence his should give in the action should be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, and his statements reduced to writing by him, in my presence, the United States by attorney alone being present at the examination; and I do further certify that I am not counsel or attorney for either of the parties to the said matter, no am I interested in the event thereof. Given under my hand, this 10th day of February 1873.
D. W. Lindsey, U. S. Com'r, Kentucky District.

No. 3.
Having known Miss Mary S. Hill since the year 1861, and in that acquaintance having observed her moral excellence and nobleness of character, we the undersigned, take extreme pleasure in attesting to the care and devotion of that lady, as a nurse of sick and wounded Confederate soldiers in the hospitals of Richmond and vicinity, during our recent war. To our personal knowledge, Miss Hill was untiring in this charitable cause, and her kindness and attention must be gratefully remembered by those who came under her ministration.
J. B. Walton, Late Chief Artillery Longstreet's Corps, and Colonel Washington Artillery.
F. Goldsmith, Commercial Cot. Press.
Geo. Johnston, Coopers Press.
A. P. Mason, Union Cotton Press.
Harry T. Hays,
William J. Seymour,
Ed. A. Palfrey,
W. P. Harper,
Jno. J. Rivers,
B. J. Walshe, No 110 Canal Street, N. O.
W. T. S. McAnnins,
Geo. Smith, Commercial Press.
W. H. Church, Commercial Press.
New Orleans, September 20th, 1871

No. 3. B.
To all whom it may concern:
This is to certify that I knew Miss Mary Sophia Hill to be engaged during the late war in helping nurse the sick and wounded, and like an angel of mercy, was always seeking to relieve suffering humanity.
Given under my hand, this 29th August, 1871
E. M. Cox, N.P. city of Petersburg, Va.

p. 86.
No. 4.
New Orleans, September 19th, 1871.
This is to certify, that I have known Miss Mary S. Hill to attend with devotion to the care and nursing of the sick and wounded in the hospital of Richmond, Virginia, during our late civil war.
Formeah, M. D.,
Late chief Surgeon of the La. Hospital, in Richmond, Va.

No. 5.
Lexington, Ky., Sept. 20, 1871.
This is to certify, that during the late war I resided at the Richmond College, in Richmond, Virginia, of which I had long been president, and that when the main buildings were converted into the "Louisiana Hospital" I had a good opportunity to become acquainted with those persons who interested themselves in the sick and wounded soldiers of the Confederacy; that being a minister of the Gospel, and having been thrown comparatively out of business by the war, I occupied the greater part of my time in ministering to the temporal and spiritual wants of the soldiers, and that thus I saw in other hospitals what was done, and by whom, for the afflicted; that a maiden lady, calling herself "Miss Mary S. Hill" and representing herself as a British subject, sojourned occasionally to Louisiana "hospital," and devoted herself to the interest of the patients; that she visited other hospitals, and sometimes the camps, and seemed, without being employed by the Government, to be using her woman means, wherever, and to whomsoever she thought she could be most useful, and finally, that she appeared to be in all respects an upright and honorable woman.
Ro. Ryland, President of the Lexington B, Fern College,

I fully concur with my husband, Mr. R. Ryland, in the foregoing statements concerning Miss Mary S. Hill.
Betty P. Ryland.

No. 6.
Richmond, February 25, 1871
My Dear Miss Hill: Yours of February 22d is before me, and I hasten to reply:
My husband and I can testify, and it gives us pleasure to do so, that you were engaged in nursing and superintending the sick and wounded soldiers in the hospitals in and around Richmond, during the war, and many a poor soldier's tears shed, and prayers have been made in your behalf for blessings so liberally bestowed. We believe your labor was as unselfish as any soldier's in the field, up to the time when so rudely and cruelly treated, by being arrested in your city; and from the year of 1862, we have been intimately

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acquainted with you, and have always found you to be a lady of high moral worth, and of irreproachable character, and under all circumstances a British subject, and of which you glorified, when contrasting your Government with ours.
With sentiments of high esteem we remain your friends.
Sally A. V. Lindsay.
Wm. T. Lindsay.

I consider anything that Mr. And Mrs. Lindsay say, as perfectly reliable.
Chas. E. Anderson, M. D.
I endorse the above.
J. C. Vaiden, M. D.

No. 7.
Lake Providence, Carroll Parish, La., October 6, 1871
Miss Mary S. Hill:
I can cheerfully testify that I knew you as an attendant in the hospitals at Richmond during the late war, and that as a friend of the sick and wounded, none were more untiring at their zeal, and more efficient and self-sacrificing than yourself. Your attentions to me when suffering from a painful and dangerous wound, can never be forgotten, and hundreds of others similarly situated in those hospitals at Richmond could bear grateful testimony of your kindness and charity.
Yours truly,
Chas. M. Pilcher.
Personally appeared before me, undersigned authority, Chas. M. Pilcher, whose signature appears above, who states on oath that the statements above are true and correct.
Given under my hand and official seal, this the 18th day of October, A. D. 1871.
[seal] C. A. De France,
Parish Judge of Carroll Parish, La.

No. 8.
New Orleans, October 25th, 1871
I hereby certify that Miss Mary S. Hill, an Irish lady, was known to me during the late war between the States of the United States of America, as one whose constant care saw to aid the sick and wounded. I have known many acts of charity and kindness extended by Miss Hill to the unfortunate and wounded (or sick) soldiers, and can myself testify to her attention while wounded in the Louisiana hospital, in Richmond, Virginia, during June and July, 1863, where she was constantly with the sick and wounded in the various wards. The same attention to the wants and comforts of the soldiers was also shown by Miss Hill in various camps, all under my personal observation while serving as a soldier in the Confederate Army.
B. T. Walshe

p. 88.
State of Louisiana, Parish of Orleans, City of New Orleans.
| Before me, Edmund George wells, a notary public in and for the parish of Orleans, and State aforesaid, duly commissioned and qualified, personally came and appeared B. T. Walshe, to me well known to be the party whose name is affixed to the foregoing statement, and who is also a well-known merchant in this city, and who having been first duly sworn, did depose and say, that all the statements made by him in the foregoing instrument of writing are true and correct.
In testimony whereof, he did sign the same in my presence, and in evidence of which I hereunto affix my name and official seal, this 25th day of October, A. D. 1871.
[seal.] E. G. Wells, Notary Public.
[five cent internal revenue stamp cancelled.]

No. 9.
This is to certify that Miss Mary Sophia Hill was most attentive to my son, John F. Aitkens, while he lay dangerously wounded in Richmond, Virginia, during the late war, and that after his death she had him properly interred, and through her means I had his body brought to this city for interment, after the war ceased.
New Orleans, Oct. 24, 1871.

Sworn to and subscribed before me, on this 24th day of October, A. D. 1871.
[seal.] Wm. McC. Jones, Notary Public.

No. 10.
BRITISH CONSULATE, STATE OF VIRGINIA.
No. 1217-1862. [Coat of arms.]
By Frederick John Cridland, Esquire, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul of the State of Virginia, &c., &c.
These are to request and require all those whom it may concern, to allow Miss Mary Sophia Hill, (a British subject,) going to New Orleans, State of Louisiana to pass freely without let or hindrance, and to afford her every assistance and protection of which she may stand in need.
Given at Richmond, the 1st day of August, 1862.
[Seal.] Fred. J. Cridland, H. B.
M. Acting Consul.
Signature of bearer:
Mary Sophia Hill.
[Endorsed]
Pro. Mar. Gen's Office, Oct. 1, 1862.
Registered.
J. Winn Hall, Sec'y.

p. 89.
No. 12 [sic]
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF.
New Orleans, October 3, 1863.
Mary S. Hill has taken and subscribed the oath required by General Orders No. 41, for a subject of Great Britain.
A. G. Goodwin, Captain and Provost Marshal.

No. 12.
72063. [Coat of arms.]
We. John Earl Russell, Viscount Amberly, a peer of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, a Member of Her Britannic Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council, a Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Mer[sic] Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c., &c., &c.,
Request and require, in the name of Her Majesty, all those whom it may concern, to allow Miss Mary Sophia Hill, (a British subject,) traveling on the continent of America, to pass freely without let or hindrance, and to afford her every assistance and protection of which she may stand in need.
Given at the Foreign Office, London, the sixth day of November, 1863.
[Seal.] Russell.
Signature of the bearer:
Mary S. Hill.
[Stamp sixpence.]

93102. [Coat of arms.]
We. John Earl Russell, Viscount Amberly, a peer of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, a Member of Her Britannic Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council, a Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, &c., &c., &c.,
Request and require, in the name of Her Majesty, all those whom it may concern, to allow Miss Mary Sophia Hill, (a British subject,) traveling on the continent of America, to pass freely without let or hindrance, and to afford her every assistance and protection of which she may stand in need.
Given at the Foreign Office, London, the sixth day of November, 1863.
[Seal.] Russell.
Signature of the bearer:
Mary S. Hill.
[Stamp sixpence.]

Charge.
"Having correspondence with and giving intelligence to the enemy, in violation of the 57th article of war."

p. 90.
Specification 1st. In this, that she, the said Mary S. Hill, did, on or about the twentieth of May, 1864, at New Orleans, State of Louisiana, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, under her own hand and name, write to one General Tom Taylor, of the so-called Confederate army, commanding post at Clinton, Louisiana, then being enemies of and in open rebellion against the United States Government, its laws and authority, a letter in the following words and figures, to wit:
New Orleans, may 20th, 1864,
Corner Hercules and Melpomene Sts.

Sir: A communication from you was handed me by a lady to-day, bearing date April 12th, I send my address. Communicate and state what you require, and I will do all in my power. I will be here until end of July.
Respectfully,
(Signed) M. S. Hill.
General Tom Taylor, Commanding Post, Clinton, La.

and did, at New Orleans aforesaid, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, on or about the twenty-first day of May, 1864, forward the said last above set forth, in an envelope addressed as follows: "Captain Bouny, Provost Marshal, Mandeville," with the intent that said letter should be delivered to said General Tom Taylor, a person in the service of the so-called Confederate Government, and an enemy of the United States. All this at the time and the place above specified.
Specification 2d. In this: that she, the said Mary S. Hill, did, on or about the twentieth day of May, 1864, at New Orleans, State of Louisiana, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, under her own hand and name, write to one Samuel Wm. Hill, a captain of engineers, in the so-called Confederate army, then being enemies of and in open rebellion against the United States Government, its laws and authority, a letter, in the following words and figures, to wit:
"May 20th, Corner of Hercules and Melpomene St., New Orleans.
"My Dear Sam: I had a most unpleasant journey home; as I had not a pass, I returned to the city. I was, along with all else who came on the schooner, taken charge of by the Yankees, sent to the ladies' prison, and from thence before a military commission, to render a full and true account of my journey. Two days and a half I was in confinement, and for a week was kept on parole. I trotted about from the provost to the inquisition, and so on, with a guard at my heals, and all the riff raff they trumped up. Imagine how my English blood boiled with indignation at being treated like a criminal. Last day I was asked if I had taken the iron clad. I had just laid before my interrogator Earl Russell's passport, with which, of course, I had provided myself, while in Europe last summer; also, the neutral oath to which I had signed my name on landing here.

p. 91.
Miss Hill, you need report no more. So Richard was himself again; but not himself either, for I took the scarlet fever, from which I am barely recovering. It was evidently brought on by exposure to the sun and the annoyances of every kind thrown in my way. I will never forget it to the Yankees never; not that it would be possible for me to hold them in greater contempt that I do at present. Willey and Fan have also had the fever, and the baby has just now taken it. John has moved, as you will see by this address; he and Eliza are well; he is still at the Square. I sent your photograph taken at Richmond. I have had more struck off for your friends; all agree that it is a very good likeness. I wrote you by flag of truce. Fred also wrote me a letter containing her own and her uncle's likeness. If you write to Mr. Harris Shafer, Harris & Co., Richmond he will forward it to you. I have seen Mr. Rhodehouse; he is glad to hear of you being well. Every one is inquiring after you, and wishing you were at home. Weather here tremendously hot, and a great deal of sickness prevailing. We have accounts of the battles in Richmond, but so hashed up to suit Northern palates, you can make neither head nor tail of the affair; but through my spectacles I see General Grant and his well-whipped army with their faces towards Washington and their backs to the hated city of Richmond, except those who will take their summer residence at the Libby. Tell the boys Banks has made a splendid commissary to Dick Taylor's army; and they were so ungrateful as also to whip him, and very badly. I had a letter from Alonnor; he is still at Johnson's Island. I will now conclude, joined by all with love to you.
Ever and always.
Your affectionate sister,
"Mary."

and did, at New Orleans aforesaid, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, on or about the twenty-first day of May 1864, forward the said letter, last above set forth, in an envelope addressed as follows: "Mr. Samuel Wm. Hill, A. H. Campbell, Esq., Captain of Engineers, 28th and Grace St, Church Hill, Richmond, Va.," with the intent that the said letter should be delivered to the said Samuel Wm. Hill, a person in the service of the so-called Confederate Government, and an enemy of the United States. All this at the times and places above specified.
Specification 3d. In this: that she, the said Mary S. Hill, did, on or about the twentieth day of May, 1864, at New Orleans, State of Louisiana, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, under her own hand and name, write to one Mrs. Graham, a person living in Montgomery, Alabama, outside the lines of the forces and army of the United States, and within the lines of the so-called Confederate army, then being enemies of and in open rebellion against the United States Government, its laws and authority, a letter, in the following words and figures, to wit:
"New Orleans, May 20,
"Corner of Hercules and Melpomene.
"My Dear Mrs. Graham: it is very lucky that you did not come

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to the city, as my trip has been attended with all kinds of annoyances, in prison two days and a half, on parole a week, and before the military inquisition to give an account of myself, and when I was free I took the scarlet fever, I suppose from aggravation, and am only just recovering. I tell you I have had a time of it, and I bless the Yanks. Willey and Fan had the fever with me for company, and now the baby has taken it. Mrs. Morman is living in the city on Bacchus street, and busy as a bee. She says she sent a box of clothes to Mrs. Blackstone from Havanna to Wilmington. You had better have inquiries made after it. I have bought Lee his shoes, if I could get a way to send them, dry goods are very dear. I can only buy you one dress. Mrs. Amice is separated from her husband, she is teaching in Havana., and her husband is here. Mrs. Dimitry goes into the Confederacy to-morrow or next day. I called on Mrs. Hunlin's aunt, but don't know the result yet. City very dull, very hot, and full of sickness, and as to lies about the battles in Virginia, it is quite ridiculous, the newsboys say they are all damned lies, even they can't stomach them. Fred is well and teaching in Madam Deron's school, only home occasionally. I feel too bad to-day to write much, but if you receive it I wish you would write to my brother, as dear knows whether he will hear from me write me all the news about our friends in Virginia, and joined by my sister-in-law with my love to you all, believe me yours,
"Affectionately,
(Signed) M. S. Hill."

9. In the case of Mary S. Hill, the proceedings and findings are approved. The sentence is so modified as to direct the said Mary S. Hill to be sent into the so-called Confederacy as an enemy.
The provost marshal-general, department of the Gulf, is charged with the execution of this order.
By command of Major-General Hurlbut:
George B. Drake, Assistant Adjutant General,
Official: Acting Assistant Adjutant General.
[In Miss Hill's letter of Aug. 16, '63]

Before the Mixed Commission on American and British Claims.
Mary S. Hill vs. United States. No. 198.
Deposition for defense.
Deposition of Thomas W. Sherman.
The deposition of Thomas W. Sherman, a witness produced, sworn, and examined on the part and behalf of the defence in the cause above entitled, now depending before the above-named Commission, taken before me, William Gilpin, United States commissioner, at office of United States Agent and Counsel, in Newport, Rhode Island, on the 30th day of June, 1873, pursuant to a notice to that effect duly given by the Agent and Counsel of the United States.
Mr. Robert S. Hale appeared on behalf of the defence. Mr. A. A. Clive appeared on behalf of the claimant.

p. 93.
The said Thomas W. Sherman having been first by me duly sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, deposes and says: My name Thomas W. Sherman, my age is 60 years; my residence is Newport, Rhode Island; I am a native of Newport, Rhode Island; I am an officer of the United States army.
Preliminary question propounded by the officer taking this deposition:
Have you any interest, direct or indirect, in the claim which is the subject-matter of the above entitled cause, or of this examination? If so, state the nature and extent of such interest.
A. None.
Being examined by Mr. Robert S. Hale, of counsel for defence, the witness further deposes and says:
Q. In the year 1864 where were you on duty and in what capacity? State briefly from the beginning your service in New Orleans.
A. I was assigned to duty in New Orleans in the fall of 1862, where I performed duty as commanding officer of the second division, nineteenth army corps, until the 27th of May, 1863, when I was placed 'hors du combat' by wound received at Port Hudson. After I became convalescent I returned to the north, and again returned to Louisiana in the last of February, 1864. I performed various duties in that department outside of New Orleans. I was assigned to command of the defences of New Orleans until January, 1865; then I was in command of the southern district of Louisiana until June, 1865, and afterwards I was in command of the eastern district of Louisiana. These three last-named commands are precisely the same command under different names.
Q. You were in command of the defences of New Orleans on the 20th of August, 1864?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. I present you here printed copy of an order, (referring to Proof for Defence in Miss Hill's case, p. 4); have you any recollection whether that order was made by you?
A. I see here, (witness looking at book,) an endorsement on a letter of Mary S. Hill to Gen. Banks that finally came to me by reference through different officers, and I find here an endorsement made upon it by myself, which is no doubt perfectly correct; I recollect making the endorsement, (and there is no doubt but those are the very words of it,) and returning it to Gen. Banks' headquarters.
Q. Do you remember the case of Miss Hill?
A. I have some remembrance of it in this: when I assumed command of the defences of New Orleans, the charges against Miss Hill were filed at my headquarters, and she was tried before a military commission ordered by Gen. Reynolds, which I think was in session at that time. I recollect reviewing the proceedings of that commission.

p. 94.
Q. Do you remember what disposition was made of Miss Hill finally?
A. I remember revising the proceedings; it being a very delicate case, and thinking it a very strange thing to confine a woman during the whole period of the war, not having any place to confine women, I forwarded the proceedings to the general in command, although it was strictly my duty to carry out the sentence myself. Whether I made any recommendation for mitigation of the sentence or not I do now know; but the general in command acted upon them and ignored the sentence entirely although he approved it, and ordered Miss Hill at once to be placed outside the lines. About that time Gen. Banks was relieved by Gen. S. A. Hurlbut, in command of the Department.
Q. During this time,(1864,) under what control or government was New Orleans?
A. Under military government exclusively.
Q. Had it been so from the time of its capture by the Federal forces?
A. Yes sir; the State had its military governor, and the city had its military mayor.
Q. By whom was the military mayor appointed?
A. I think by the department commander, he must have been.
Q. Were any civil tribunals of justice opened there; and if so, to what extent and under what authority?
A. There was one civil tribunal called the provisional court, I think. The President appointed Charles A. Peabody, of New York, as judge of that court. That was the only United States civil court in existence in New Orleans at that time. There were some little courts that were allowed by the commanding general, but they were under military surveillance; they were courts of limited jurisdiction, sitting by permission of the military commanding officer.
Q. What can you say as to the sentiment of the population of New Orleans at that time in regard to the war?
A. The sentiment there was very much mixed, of course. Parties there took strong ground. The northern people were all loyal, and, as a matter of course, the southern people were all disloyal, although the better class of people generally behaved themselves.
Q. Was there any necessity for rigid surveillance in regard to communication between disloyal persons in New Orleans and the enemy?
A. We could not maintain our position there without it. We had very stringent rules and regulations in regard to keeping down the secession sentiment, or rather the action upon that sentiment. Frequently men were arrested almost daily for announcing disloyal sentiments in the streets, and cursing our President and officials.
Q. Were there any arrests made for communicating or attempting to communicate with the enemy?
A. A great many. Some arrests, I must confess, were merely

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on suspicion, and after examination, if found innocent, the parties were let off; but a great many were brought before military courts and tried.
Q. None of those cases were sent to the civil tribunals?
A. No, sir: the civil tribunals had nothing to do with them.
Q. Was there a large element of the population of New Orleans that was understood to be in active sympathy with the rebellion and desirous to aid it?
A. Yes, sir; a very large portion. Of the old population. The greatest amount of vigilance had to be exercised to maintain order there. It is probably important in connection with this case of Miss Hill to say that our system was a regular system, and not only a system of our own, but one emanating from an order from Washington. No person could come across our lines without being arrested, we having our guards at every avenue. Every person was arrested and carried before the provost marshal and examined as to their intent, object, character, &c. the President's proclamation was read to them, and if they saw fit to take the oath of allegiance in good faith they took it and were released, otherwise they were sent back across the Confederate lines. My impression is that that was the case with Miss Hill; she declined to take the oath and was sent within the Confederate lines.
Q. You speak of the oath; was the same oath exacted of citizens as of foreigners resident there?
A. No, sir; what we term the oath of allegiance was not exacted from foreigners.
Q. Was any oath exacted from them; and if so, what was the substance of it?
A. It was what we term in ordinary parlance the alien oath. It was in substance an oath of neutrality, and not an oath of allegiance. I have not got the particular form of oath; but a foreigner taking the oath of neutrality in good faith was allowed to remain.
Q. I call you attention to the order appearing at page 2 of Proofs for Defence, dated 30th April, 1864; under that order what oath would be required of Miss Hill as a British subject, she alleging herself to be such?
A. As I said, I have not got the exact form of the oath, but it was simply an oath of neutrality. It was the same oath I have last referred to as an alien oath; they swore to maintain neutral relations between the two opposing parties.
Q. How near New Orleans during the year 1864 were the rebel military lines in any direction those which they actually occupied?
A. In the early part of 1864 the enemy were in occupation of that part of Louisiana beyond the lower Atchafalaya or Berwick's bay, what is called the Teche country, and they came down no nearer than Semmesport or the mouth of the Red river, in a northern direction. They chased General Banks down the Red River in April or May, 1864. On the east there were some at Ponchatoula and Madisonville, on the opposite side of Lake Ponchatrain. I do not know of any time that they were nearer to us than

p. 96
that, except guerilla bands, and they were around and amongst us all the time. I was all the time organising squads for the meeting of guerilla bands. They came down below Baton Rouge down to Bonne Carre. But as to permanent camps or regular organisations of Confederate troops, there were none nearer than the places I have named.
Q. And those permanent camps remained substantially unchanged during the year?
A. We drove them farther to the west that summer; indeed, I think the rebels evacuated Louisiana somewhere about June or July of that year.
Q. But we were not in possession of the upper Red River country?
A. Yes; but that is outside of the line which I speak; I do not know but they may have occupied a small portion about Alexandria, but we remained in possession of Alexandria. All that I can assume to be very correct about is in relation to my own command; and we commenced to take the country at the mouth of Berwick bayou, including the Bayou Teche, and running up to Grand River, and striking the Plaquemine, thence across the river, easterly, to Lake Maurepas, and to Pass Mauchac, on Lake Ponchatrain, thence through lakes Ponchatrain and Borgne, thence following the gulf coast to the point of beginning. That was my command most of the time. The last year I commanded in addition all the northern portion of Louisiana on the east side of the river, including Port Hudson and Baton Rouge.
Q. Was that command of yours occupied by your actual military lines throughout its whole extent?
A. Yes, sir; we had every avenue of approach fortified, if not by actual fortifications, covered by a strong camp.
Q. And was there any actual permanent military occupation outside of those lines, in either direction, in 1864?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Where was that?
A. Baton Rouge, Port Hudson, Morganza, and Alexandria.
Q. What time did we get Alexandria after Banks came down in the spring of 1864?
A. I cannot tell you. A force was sent up and took possession of it again; I think it was in the summer of 1864.

Cross-examination by Mr. Clive:
Q. Did the Federal lines extend beyond the lines of your command?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Within how many miles of New Orleans were the nearest Confederate troops?
A. That is a very difficult thing to say, because the troops changed about from time to time from place to place. I am not aware that there were any real permanent Confederate lines. They had not permanent lines occupied as we had; bodies of troops moved about from place to place; they had their whole section of country to defend.

p. 97.
Q. How far off was the nearest section of country which was in Confederate occupation?
A. Texas; and it is very possible that the very northwestern part of Louisiana was occupied by the Confederates, I am speaking now of June, 1864. When I took command of the defences of New Orleans, in June, 1864, the western part of Louisiana was unquestionably in possession of the rebels, and I think Alexandria was also. I think at that time they had possession of the whole country down to Semmesport on the Red river; but that did not last long.
Q. Can you tell me, generally, in miles, where the nearest Confederate troops were; were they within two, three, or four hundred miles of New Orleans?
A. I should say in one direction 150 miles west, and up the river I suppose 200 miles, that is on the western side of the Mississippi; on the eastern side of the Mississippi they had no troops there except possibly some at Lake Maurepas. At Pearl river they had some; that is probably less than 100 miles of New Orleans.
Q. When did the Federals take New Orleans?
A. The 28th or 29th of April, 1862.
Q. Then they had been in your continuous possession two years at that time?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You say that after these two years there were almost daily arrests on suspicion going on?
A. Yes, sir; in that is a fact, too; they were constantly occurring, and for a year after the war was over.
Q. What time were prisoners usually confined, as far as you know, before any trial?
A. The system was to bring them to trial as soon as possible, but I must confess that there were a great many had to wait a good while in consequence of the difficulty there was in getting through the business. We had a good many courts and commissions sitting all the time, but we could not get cases before the courts as fast as we wanted them; sometimes people would have to wait for months, at other times they were tried at once. The calculation was to have the trials proceed as soon as possible.
Q. Were the military courts and all their forms and proceedings under military control?
A. Yes, sir; under general rules though; the proceedings of courts-martial, commissions, &c., cannot be interfered with by any commanding general. All he can do is to order the court, and he cannot interfere with them until the proceedings come in. The members are sworn to perform their duty according to law, and the commanding general cannot interfere with them.
Q. According to law, what law?
A. According to the laws of the United States and the articles of war.
Q. Is there any law except the articles of war to regulate military commissions?

p. 98.
A. Nothing but the articles of war and the law of custom.
Q. You say there was one civil tribunal in New Orleans in session were there not more?
A. Only one that I was aware of under the absolute control and authority of the United States. There were others, district courts, but their proceedings were under the restrictions of the military. That is a portion of the department that I had little or nothing to do with.
Q. Was not the United States court sitting in admiralty in New Orleans at that time?
A. No, sir; nothing more than Judge Peabody's court.
Q. Was not Judge Durell's court?
A. I know that Judge Durell's court existed there at the latter part of the war, but I was not aware that it existed at that time. I think that court was brought into operation again after Judge Peabody's court was abolished.
Q. What time was Judge Peabody's court abolished?
A. I do not know; he left, I think, in the latter part of 1864, but I will not be positive.
Q. If the court of admiralty was sitting in 1864, other courts may have been sitting for all you know?
A. I am very sure that, in the years 1863 and 1864, there were no other civil courts in New Orleans under the direction of the United States, except Judge Peabody's court.
Q. If you are wrong as to Judge Peabody's court, you may be wrong as to other courts, may you not?
A. I may be.
Q. What took the place of Judge Peabody's court when it was abolished?
A. The United States district court; and nothing else.
Q. You have no personal knowledge as to Miss Hill's case, have you?
A. None whatever.
Q. It was all done under General Reynolds, as I understand?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Do you know anything of this Ellen Williams, the witness in whose evidence she was convicted?
A. No, sir; I do not.
Q. Do you know where General Reynolds is now?
A. I saw Major General J. J. Reynolds ten days ago at West Point, and he told me he was going to join his command.

Last general interrogatory by the commissioner, (Wm. Gilpin, Esq.,) before whom this deposition is taken: Do you know of any other matter relative to the case now in hearing? If so, will you express it.
A. No, sir.
In answer to the questions on pages 13 and 14, as to whether the enemy's permanent camps remained substantially unchanged during the year 1864, I would say on reflection, I am in error as to my answer to this question. The enemy's position remained substantially the same during most, if not the whole year.

p. 99.
The western portion of Louisiana, including Alexandria, Shreveport, &c., according to the best of my recollection, did not come into our possession until the early part of the year 1865, after the fall of Mobile, and it is probable not till the surrender of the Confederate forces under Taylor to our arms in May, 1865.
Also to the following question on page 14: "But we were not in possession of the Upper Red River Country?" On reflection I am quite sure we did not get possession of that country until early in 1865.
Also to the following question on page 15: "Where was that?" I will say that the answer is correct except it should omit Alexandria, and add the forts at the mouth of Mobile Bay.
Also to the following question on page 16: "What time did we get Alexandria after Banks came down in the spring of 1864?" My impression now is not until the spring of 1865.
W. T. Sherman (sic)
Maj. Gen'l U. S.A., "Ret."

I, William Gilpin, United States commissioner, &c., do hereby certify that at the request of the Agent and counsel of the United States, I caused the above-mentioned Thomas W. Sherman, deponent in the forgoing deposition, to come before me at the time and place in the caption mentioned; that said deponent was by me sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth; that said deposition was caused to be reduced to writing by me, and was carefully read to or by deponent before being signed by him, and deponent then and there, in my presence, subscribed the same; and I further certify that I have no interest, direct of indirect, in the claim to which the above deposition relates, and am not the agent or attorney or any person having any interest therein.
Witness my hand at Newport, Rhode Island, this second day of July, 1873.
Wm. Gilpin,
Com. Cir. Court. U. S., R. I. Dist.

Before the Mixed Commission on American and British Claims.
Mary S. Hill vs. United States.
No 198. Proofs for Defence.
WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,
WASHINGTON, July 17th, 1872.
It appears from the records of this office that the annexed are correct transcripts from records filed here.
E. D. Townsend, Adjutant General.

Be it known that Edward D. Townsend, who has signed the foregoing certificate, is the Adjutant General of the army of the United States, and the legal custodian of the records of the Adjutant General's Office, and that to this attestation as such full faith and credit are and ought to be given.
In testimony whereof, I, William W. Belknap, Secretary of

p. 100.
War, have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the Department of War of the United States of America to be affixed, on this twenty-third day of July, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-two.
[Seal.] Wm. W. Belknap, Secretary of War.

Transcript from Letter-Sent Book, Headquarters Defences of New Orleans.
Extract. April 28, 1864.
Twining, Capt. E. H., Prov. Marshal:
You will send before the commission for examination the following persons, vez:
Miss M. S. Hill.
By command of Major General Reynolds:
(Signed) John Levering,
Major and A. A. General.
April 30, 1864.
Twining, Capt., Prov. Marshall:
The major general commanding the defences, directs that the following named persons, examined before military commission April 29th, instant, will be released from confinement upon condition of their taking the prescribed oath, viz;
Miss Hill.
By command of Major General Reynolds:
(Signed) John Levering,
Major and A. A. General.

Transcript from Letter Received Book, Headquarters Department of the Gulf. August 18.
New Orleans, August 17, 1864.
Hill, M. S. Miss, asks to be treated or released.
August 19, 1864. Referred to Provost Marshal General for I. and R.
Filed.
Woman's Prison,
200 Julia Street, August 17, 1864.
General Banks,
Sir: I would respectfully call your attention to my case. I have been a prisoner since the 26th of May, and in close confinement as for ten weeks. I have not been down stairs except to go to my trail. When arrested I was not yet recovered from scarlet fever, and I have been ill ever since, and am so now. The long confinement, and the excitement attending my arrest and trial, has given my system such a shock that it has prostrated me both in mind and body. My trial before the military commission ended three weeks ago last Monday, and I have been waiting since to

p. 101.
hear the decision of the court. My brother-in-law, Mr. Van Slooten, who will hand you this note, goes to you with the hope of getting a decision in my case, and that you will grant my release. I am not, or ever have been, guilty of the charge brought against me; however, should it be necessary for me to leave New Orleans, I will do so, though I should leave behind the only sister I have, which is the great and only tie that binds me here.
Hoping for a favorable reply, I remain, with much respect,
Your obedient servant
(Signed) Mary S. Hill.

HEADQUARTERS PROVOST MARSHAL GENERAL
New Orleans, Aug. 18, 1864.
Respectfully referred to the Provost Marshal General for investigation and report.
By order General Banks:
(Signed) James Grant Wilson, col. A. D. C.
Office Provost Marshal General
New Orleans, Aug 19, 1864.
Respectfully referred to Captain R. T. Dunham, provost marshal of New Orleans, for report.
By order of the Provost Marshal General;
(Signed) Henry L. Mitchell, Lt. And A. A. A. G.

Office Provost Marshal, Aug. 19, 1864.
Respectfully returned to Colonel Chickering, Assistant Provost Marshal General, department Gulf, with the report that Miss Hill was tried before the military commission about (3) three weeks ago. The proceedings of which are now at headquarters defences of New Orleans.
(Signed) Robert T. Dunham,
Captain A. D. C. and Provost Marshal.

Office Provost Marshall General, Department of the Gulf,
New Orleans, Aug 19, 1864.
Respectfully transmitted to headquarters defences of New Orleans, with request that copies of the proceedings may be sent to this office.
(Signed) Harai Robinson,
Col. and Pro. Mar. Gen., Department of the Gulf.

Defences New Orleans, August 20, 1864.
Respectfully returned. The proceedings of the commission in this case were revised by me, and forwarded to the commanding general, department of the Gulf, for his action, some two weeks ago.
(Signed) T. W. Sherman, B. G. C.

p. 102.
Office Provost Marshal General, Department of the Gulf,
New Orleans, August 24, 1864
Respectfully transmitted to department headquarters, inviting attention to endorsement of Brigadier General Sherman, commanding defences New Orleans.
(Signed) Harai Robinson,
Col. and Provost Marshal General, Department of the gulf.

Case has been reviewed and sentence passed upon by Major General Banks, and will be published in a few days.
(Signed) Benedict, A. J. A., D. G.

Headquarters, Department of the Gulf,
New Orleans, September 18, 1864.
General Orders No. 132 [Extract.]
V. Before a military commission, convened at New Orleans, pursuant to special orders No. 124, headquarters defences New Orleans, May 25, 1864, and of which Major G. W. Richardson, 11th New York cavalry, is president were arraigned and tried.
Charge
Having correspondence with, and giving intelligence to the enemy, in violation of the 57th article of war.
Specification 1st. In this, that she, the said Mary S. Hill, did, on or about the twentieth of May, 1864, at New Orleans, State of Louisiana, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, under her own hand and name, write to one, General Tom Taylor, of the so-called confederate army, commanding post at Clinton, Louisiana, then being enemies of, and in open rebellion against the United States Government, its laws, and authority, a letter in the following words and figures, to wit:
"New Orleans, May 20, 1864.
"Corner of Hercules and Melpomene Street.
"Sir: A communication from you was handed me by a lady today, bearing date April 12th. I send my address. Communicate and state what you require, and I will do all in my power. I will be here until end of July.
(Signed) Respectfully,
M. S. Hill.
"General Tom Taylor, Commanding Post, Clinton, La.
and did, at New Orleans aforesaid, within the lines of the forces of army of the united States, on or about the twenty-first day of May, 1864, forward the said last above set forth, in an envelope addressed as follows: "Captain Boony, Provost Marshal, Mandeville," with the intent that said letter should be delivered to said General Tom Taylor, a person in the service of the so-called

p. 103
Confederate Government, and an enemy of the United States. All this at the time and place above specified.

Specification 2d. In this, that she, the said Mary S. Hill, did, on or about the twentieth day of May, 1864, at New Orleans, State of Louisiana, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, under he own hand and name, write to one Samuel William Hill, a captain of engineers in the so-called Confederate army, then being enemies of, and in open rebellion against; the United States Government, its laws and authority, a letter in the following words and figures, to wit:
Corner of Hercules and Melpomene St., New Orleans.
May 20th.
"My Dear Sam: I had a most unpleasant journey home; as I had not a pass, I returned to the city. I was, along with all else who came on the schooner, taken charge of by the Yankees, sent to the ladies' prison, and from thence before a military commission, to render a full and true account of my journey. Two days and a half I was in confinement, and for a week was kept on parole. I trotted about from the provost to the inquisition, and so on, with a guard at my heals, and all the riff raff they trumped up. Imagine how my English blood boiled with indignation at being treated like a criminal. Last day I was asked if I had taken the iron clad. I had just laid before my interrogator Earl Russell's passport, with which, of course, I had provided myself, while in Europe last summer; also, the neutral oath to which I had signed my name on landing here.
Miss Hill, you need report no more.
So Richard was himself again; but not himself either, for I took the scarlet fever, from which I am barely recovering. It was evidently brought on by exposure to the sun and the annoyances of every kind thrown in my way. I will never forget it to the Yankees never; not that it would be possible for me to hold them in greater contempt that I do at present. Willey and Fan have also had the fever, and the baby has just now taken it. John has moved, as you will see by this address; he and Eliza are well; he is still at the Square. I sent your photograph taken at Richmond. I have had more struck off for your friends; all agree that it is a very good likeness. I wrote you by flag of truce. Fred also wrote me a letter containing her own and her uncle's likeness. If you write to Mr. Harris Shafer, Harris & Co., Richmond he will forward it to you. I have seen Mr. Rhodehouse; he is glad to hear of you being well. Every one is inquiring after you, and wishing you were at home. Weather here tremendously hot, and a great deal of sickness prevailing. We have accounts of the battles in Richmond, but so hashed up to suit Northern palates, you can make neither head nor tail of the affair; but through my spectacles I see General Grant and his well-whipped army with their faces towards Washington and their backs to the hated city of Richmond, except those who will take their summer residence at the Libby. Tell the boys Banks has made a splendid commissary to Dick Taylor's army; and they were so ungrateful as also

p. 104.
to whip him, and very badly. I had a letter from Almoner,; he is still at Johnson's Island. I will now conclude, joined by all with love to you.
Ever and always.
Your affectionate sister,
"Mary."

and did, at New Orleans aforesaid, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, on or about the twenty-first day of May 1864, forward the said letter, last above set forth, in an envelope addressed as follows: "Mr. Samuel Wm. Hill, A. H. Campbell, Esq., Captain of Engineers, 28th and Grace St, Church Hill, Richmond, Va.," with the intent that the said letter should be delivered to the said Samuel Wm. Hill, a person in the service of the so-called Confederate Government, and an enemy of the United States. All this at the times and places above specified.

Specification 3d.
In this: that she, the said Mary S. Hill, did, on or about the twentieth day of May, 1864, at New Orleans, State of Louisiana, within the lines of the forces and army of the United States, under her own hand and name, write to one Mrs. Graham, a person living in Montgomery, Alabama, outside the lines of the forces and army of the United States, and within the lines of the so-called Confederate army, then being enemies of and in open rebellion against the United States Government, its laws and authority, a letter, in the following words and figures,
to wit:
"New Orleans,
May 20,
"Corner of Hercules and Melpomene.
"My Dear Mrs. Graham: it is very lucky that you did not come to the city, as my trip has been attended with all kinds of annoyances, in prison two days and a half, on parole a week, and before the military inquisition to give an account of myself, and when I was free I took the scarlet fever, I suppose from aggravation, and am only just recovering. I tell you I have had a time of it, and I bless the Yanks. Willey and Fan had the fever with me for company, and now the baby has taken it. Mrs. Morman is living in the city on Bacchus street, and busy as a bee. She says she sent a box of clothes to Mrs. Blackstone from Havanna to Wilmington. You had better have inquiries made after it. I have bought Lee his shoes, if I could get a way to send them, dry goods are very dear. I can only buy you one dress. Mrs. Amice is separated from her husband, she is teaching in Havana., and her husband is here. Mrs. Dimitry goes into the Confederacy to-morrow or next day. I called on Mrs. Hunlin's aunt, but don't know the result yet. City very dull, very hot, and full of sickness, and as to lies about the battles in Virginia, it is quite ridiculous, the newsboys say they are all damned lies, even they can't stomach them. Fred is well and teaching in Madam Deron's school, only home occasionally. I feel too bad to-day to write much, but if you receive it I wish you would write to my brother, as dear knows whether he will hear from me write me all the news about our friends in Virginia, and joined by my sister-in-law with my love to you all, believe me yours,
"Affectionately,
(Signed) M. S. Hill."

p. 105.
"Ask Mrs. Hantin what kind of woman Mrs. McGuinness of the True Delta is."
And did, at New Orleans, aforesaid, within the lines of forces.....

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.... person residing beyond the lines of the forces and army of the United States, and within the lines of the forces of army of the United States, and within the lines of the forces and army of the so-called Confederate States, then being enemies of and in open rebellion against the United States Government, its laws and authority. All this at the times and place above specified.
To which charge and specifications the accused pleaded as follows:
To the 1st Specification of the charge "Not guilty."
To the 2d Specification of the charge "Not guilty."
To the 3d Specification of the charge "Not guilty."
To the charge "Not guilty."
Finding.
Of the 1st Specification of the charge "Guilty."
Of the 2d Specification of the charge "Guilty."
Of the 3d Specification of the charge "Guilty."
Of the charge "Guilty," except the words, "and giving intelligence to."

Sentence.
And the commission does therefore sentence her, the said Mary S. Hill, "to be confined during the war at such place as the commanding general may direct.:
9. In the case of Mary S. Hill, the proceedings and findings are approved.
The sentence is so modified as to direct that said Mary S. Hill be sent into the so-called Confederacy as an enemy.
The Provost-Marshal General, Department of the Gulf, is charged with the execution of this order.
By command of Major General Hurlbut.
(Signed) George R. Drake, Assistant Adjutant General.

Before the Mixed Commission on British and American Claims
Mary Sophia Hill vs. The United States. No. 198

Brief for Claim.
This is a claim for wrongful imprisonment and cruel treatment in prison, the claimant having been confined in New Orleans in the Women's prison for the period of about three months, commencing May 26, 1864, and then sent into the Confederate States,

p. 106
whence she escaped in February, 1865. In July, 1864, she under went the form of a trial before a military commission, which will be referred to hereafter.

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Her imprisonment is proved by the testimony of sundry witnesses, book 2, pp. 2, 6, 11, 12, 15, 16, and of the claimant herself, book 2, p. 20, and seq.; also by the official papers produced by the United States. (Proofs for Defence, p. 2.)

Her banishment into the Confederacy is proved by the military order found in the Proofs for Defence, p. 10, and the testimony referred to under the head next above.
After her trial she offered to quit the United States, and applied for leave to go to England in a ship then about to leave New Orleans; leave was refused, and the order to send her into the Confederacy was executed.
(Claimant's book 2, p. 21; Van Slooted, Id. P. 7; Proofs for Defence, p. 3.)

Damages.
At the time of her arrest she was "extremely ill and weak," just recovering from an attack of scarlet fever. (Book 2, p. 20.) Her treatment in prison is thus detailed by her:
"I was put into a very close and unhealthy room, with its one window closed and barricaded; I was not allowed to speak to any one, or to have a light at night, and the jailor threatened to put me in irons; he said he had the power to do so, and his house-keeper had orders to lock me up. I did not even have a change of clothing, and, for a considerable time, was not allowed to communicate with my family, and every obstacle was thrown in the way of my communicating with them, even when I was extremely ill. At first, the doctor was not allowed to see me. The Federal authorities said they would send their own physician to see me." (Book 2, p. 22.)
She is corroborated by Mrs. Van Slooten, book 2, p. 2; Mr. Van Slooten, p. 6; Mrs. Dimitry, p. 12; Miss Dimitry, pp. 14, 15.

p. 107.
were bound at least to provide for her support. It is stated in the Memorial that she was indebted to the British consular officers for pecuniary aid to enable her to get home, but there is no evidence by deposition on this point. Nor indeed is evidence necessary; it is sufficiently obvious that in sending her away from her home and business in New Orleans she much have been rendered dependent upon some one.

The Defence
Put forth in the argument for the United States is, that the imprisonment and banishment were in pursuance of the sentence of a military commission, that she was guilty of offences against the laws of war, fairly tied and gently dealt with.
Upon the subject of the jurisdiction of the military commission, the counsel for the United States refers to his argument in the case of Colin J. Nicolson, No. 253, in which he sustains that jurisdiction upon the ground that not until Louisiana adopted a new constitution under the provisions of the acts of March and July, 1867, and complied with the conditions of the act of July 25, 1868, was the State "relieved from its condition of pure military rule." He proceeds to say:
"Until the organization of that government, the only government of the State of Louisiana, or any integral part of it, was a military one. To say, therefore, that this was a case within the doctrine of the Supreme Court in the Milligan case, is a gross error. In that case the court placed among the requisites for holding trial by military commission unlawful, the fact that the alleged offence was committed in a State not invaded by the enemy, and not engaged in rebellion, and in which the Federal courts were open, and in proper and unobstructed exercise of their judicial functions."
The learned counsel misapprehends the effect of the decision cited when he places those facts among the requisites for holding trial by military commissions unlawful.
The fact was, and was so stated by the court, that the offence of Milligan was committed in Indiana, a State not invaded, not engaged in rebellion, and in which the Federal courts were open; but the court did not say that all these facts must concur to render military commissions unlawful, nor that if the State had been invaded, or if it had been in rebellion, and a portion had been recovered, military commissions could be constitutionally held in the part not invaded, or in the part recovered, while the Federal courts were open in such part and exercising their judicial functions. In fact, the whole decision proceeded on the common-law doctrine laid down by Coke, that when the courts are open it is not time of war.
But whatever may have been the political condition of Louisiana it would not affect this case. There may have been no lawful State government, but the people of Louisiana by refusing to construct one could not oust the jurisdiction of the Federal courts or take away the right of aliens guarantied by treaties constitutionally made to be tried by such courts.

p. 108
A portion of Louisiana including New Orleans, was recovered by the Federal arms in 1862, and the effect of that recovery was such that, as decided by the Supreme Court in the case of the Venice, what was enemy's property ceased to be such, and the possession drew with it the full measure of protection under the Constitution and laws of the United States, compatible with the military defence of the place. That is simply the measure which obtains in every part of the country in time of war, and is greater or less as the particular place is more or less threatened by the enemy. It may be admitted that New Orleans was more exposed than Indiana, and that the United States courts were in more danger at all times of being closed in New Orleans than they were in Indiana. But they were not closed at the time of the acts complained of in this case; and if the judicial power of the United States was there, in the exercise of its functions, military commissions, under the decision of the Supreme Court in the Milligan case, had no jurisdiction to try cases like Miss Hill's.
Some doubt is attempted to be thrown upon the fact that the United States courts were open, by the testimony of General Thomas W. Sherman, who says (at page 4) that a court called the provisional court was the only one in existence in New Orleans at that time. In this he is certainly mistaken.
New Orleans was opened to the commerce of the world by proclamation of the President of May 12, 1862. (Reprint, p. 24.)
And from this fact alone we might infer that the United States courts were open, because no penalty or forfeitures can be enforced without judicial action, and the collectors of customs, without the courts, would be powerless to enforce the collection at all.
But in the case if W. R. Hodges, No. 354, the counsel for the United States has filed papers from the Treasury Department showing that at least as early as May, 1863, there was a collector of customs at that port in the exercise of his duties, not only under the early acts regulating his office, but under the war acts of July, 15, 1861, and May 20, 1862, which equally required the process and jurisdiction of the United States courts to enforce their provisions.
And in the same case are contained records of proceedings in the United States district court at New Orleans extending from April 20 to Aug 29, 1864, and certified by the clerk of that court March 1, 1872, and covering the whole period embraced by the transactions in this cause.
(Memorial in 354, pp. 52 to 71.)
It is true this record is not in evidence here, but it can hardly be thought improper to refer to it in corroboration of the inferences justly arising from the proclamation of the President and the rulings in the case of the Venice.
2. But if the claimant was amenable to military jurisdiction, she was not tried by a competent military court having jurisdiction under the statute of the offence.
The offence charged was "having correspondence with and giving intelligence to the enemy in violation of the 57th article of war." (Proofs for Defence, p. 5.)
The articles of war were enacted in the year 1806, and are

p. 109
found in 2 Statutes, p. 366. Jurisdiction to try this offence is given to courts-martial, and the punishment is such as a court-martial may order. The composition of courts-martial and their rules of proceeding are prescribed by the same act of 1806. The statute having thus provided for the punishment of the offence and for the jurisdiction of the military courts by which it was to be tried, it was clearly beyond the competence of the military commander to give jurisdiction to a military commission to try the offence. In "General Order No. 100" it is laid down in sec. 13 that "military offences under the statute law must be tried in the manner therein directed," a proposition too obvious indeed to need the support of even this authority.
The same author in the same work defines the limits of the jurisdiction of military commissions as not extending to cases cognizable by courts-martial.
3. The decision of the court was in fact an acquittal.
The commission found the claimant "guilty of the charge, except the wording and giving intelligence to [the enemy.] (Proofs for Defence, p. 10) That is to say, they found the claimant guilty of correspondence only with the enemy, and not with giving him any intelligence. Correspondence with the enemy to merit the penalty of death the penalty prescribed by the statute certainly must include some unlawful intent. The writing of a merely friendly letter could not, in the jurisprudence of any friendly nation, be so harshly punished. In one of the letters in this case, it appears incidentally, and therefore, we may believe the fact to be so, that the claimant had been permitted to write to her correspondent previously by flag of truce. It was notorious, during the whole war, that letters were exchanged between North and South by flag of truce. And Dr. Leiber in his code, printed as "General Order No. 100" says that intercourse by letter, unless permitted by the military commander, in unlawful. Now, the act of Congress refers nothing to the discretion of the military commander, or any other person.
If the statute makes the sending of a letter a crime, as the United States counsel says it does, no military commander not even the President can render the act lawful; and if the United States counsel is correct in construing the statute as rendering the sending of a letter a crime, the War Department, throughout the whole war, not only connived at thousands of such crimes, but by its flags of truce knowingly became the medium of unlawful and criminal correspondence.
4. If the sentence was a binding judgement, still the punishment inflicted was not that directed by the sentence of the court. The article of war for violating which the claimant was tried, directs that the punishment shall be death or such as the court shall order. The court ordered the imprisonment of the claimant. The commanding general modified (as he expressed it) the sentence, but in fact set it aside and substituted another and different punishment, that of sending the claimant into the Confederacy. I am not aware of the existence of any power in the commanding general to make this substitution. It is true that a punishment

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may generally be mitigated by the superior power, but only with the consent of the guilty party which, however, is presumed in the absence of proof to the contrary, when the change is manifestly an amelioration of the sentence, and for the benefit of the party. In this case, however, the consent of the claimant cannot be presumed, for she knew nothing of the sentence until after she had escaped from the Confederacy, (Book 2, p. 21.) Nor was it any mitigation of punishment to be turned loose in a besieged region where the policy and efforts of the United States were directed to derive the inhabitants of every necessary of life, instead of being confined in the United States and furnished with all necessaries of life by the Government.
5. Evidence for the claimant as offered tending to prove that the offence of the claimant was committed by the procurement of an agent of the United States, and if so, it would not be punishable by them.
The three letters, the writing of which by the claimant was the sole charge against here, were written upon the invitation of one Ellen Williams, who said she was going into the Confederacy under a pass too from the proper United States authorities, and offered to carry letters for the claimant. The claimant believing she had the pass, wrote and gave her the letters, which it seems went immediately into the hands of the Federal officers and led to the prompt arrest of the claimant. The said Ellen Williams had brought the claimant a letter purporting to be from a Confederate officer, who being examined, testifies to the best of his knowledge and belief that he never wrote it, and which the claimant believes was forged. Both she and Mrs. Dimitry, who also had communication with Ellen Williams, testify their belief from circumstances under which Williams acted, that she was a spy.
6. The counsel for the United States notices that the claimant has not produced the evidence taken before the military commission, and says that the presumption from its non-production is that the findings of the commission were based upon sufficient evidence. If the commission had jurisdiction, that the presumption would arise, whether the evidence were produced or not. But it is a little singular that the counsel for the United States should attempt to throw upon the claimant the discredit of shrinking from the production of the evidence. It is perfectly well known that the department never publishes the evidence had on the proceedings of military courts, and Miss Hill has put into her memorial, simply as part of the history of the case, all that the department published. But the counsel for the United States has put as evidence for the defence, and as justification for the treatment of Miss Hill, the proceedings of the same commission, and yet has omitted the evidence on which the sentence was founded. He has thus placed his defence solely on the ground of the jurisdiction of the commission, and has declined to offer any evidence to prove the actual misconduct of the claimant, or to show that the commission had any ground for the severe sentence they pronounced. The position of the parties is the reverse of that assumed by the counsel

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of the United States. The proceedings of the commission are merely a fact in the claimant's case, her claim being for indemnification for personal injuries inflicted under color of the sentence; while on the other hand, the evidence on which the commission acted might have been offered as excusing the acts complained of; and not being so offered, the presumption is that constituted no excuse or justification whatever.
7. The counsel for the United States attacks the character of the claimant as that of "a turbulent, vindictive, and dangerous enemy of the United States." The only circumstances tending to show this seem to be writing of the letters above referred to, and the fact that she acted as nurse in the Confederate hospitals and interested herself for the relief of Confederate prisoners. Acts of charity are generally considered commendable, in whose-soever behalf done; and in the belief that they were so, the claimant has appended to her memorial numerous testimonials, showing that her benevolent attentions to the sick and wounded were of no ordinary kind, and that she had won the gratitude of hundreds of sufferers in the military hospitals. As to the language of the letters in question it is certainly objectionable, but as they were never intended to be seen by anyone on the Union side, it cannot be supposed that the claimant intended to insult the Government of the United States or its supporters. It is simply an exhibition of bad taste on the part of the lady. It appears that in passing into and from the Confederacy prior to her arrest, she always conformed to military regulations, took and kept the required oaths, and was furnished with regular passes.

Conclusion.

I submit that it is established beyond question that the claimant has been punished illegally, has been thereby subjected to great privation and expense, and is entitled to recover. The amount of indemnification being incapable of exact proof, must be estimated by the commission.
Respectfully submitted,
J. M. Carlisle, H. B. M.'s Counsel.
Newport, R. I., August 20, 1873.

Before the Mixed Commission on American and British Claims.
Mary Sophia Hill vs United States. No. 198.
Argument for the United States on Final Submission.
The claimant, by her memorial, claims 4,000 pounds damages against the United States "for cruel treatment and false imprisonment" at New Orleans in 1864, subsequent banishment from that city, and "physical injuries and pecuniary losses resulting from said treatment, imprisonment, and banishment." She alleges herself a native of Ireland, born in 1819, and appears to have been a resident of New Orleans before and during the war.

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From her own statement it would seem that shortly after the outbreak of the war, her brother having joined the Confederate army, she followed him to Virginia and remained in attendance on the Confederate hospitals until after the capture of New Orleans in 1862, when she returned under a passport from the British Consul at Richmond, which was registered and endorsed by the provost marshal at New Orleans. (Memorial, pp. 2, 18.) In 1863 she went to Ireland and afterwards returned to New Orleans, taking the oath of neutrality on landing, (pp. 2, 14.) She again left New Orleans under a pass apparently in the fall of 1863, went to Richmond and Charlottesville, Va., where she remained about five months, rendering assistance "in the hospitals and to prisoners by means of flag of truce." in 1864 she returned to New Orleans, and says that on her arrival, having no pass allowing her entrance into the Federal lines, "she was arrested and sent to prison, kept there two days and shamefully treated; was then sent under guard before a military commission, who questioned her and wrote down her answers; was then sent under guard, in a broiling sun, to Major Twining's office, who told her to take the oath; showed him her oath as a British subject, whereupon he released her on parole, with orders to report again, which she did." (Memorial, p. 3.)
Subsequently she was taken ill. She sets forth at length an interview with a woman calling herself Ellen Williams, who called upon her during her sickness, and admits that she gave Ellen Williams three letters for the Confederacy. She says she at this time had letters from friends, prisoners on Johnston's Island, asking her to try to help them. She went among her friends in their behalf, "though hardly able to stand, she was so weak." On her return, one day she was arrested, taken to the woman's prison, and there confined. She relates her treatment, her subsequent trial before a military commission, her being sent back to prison, and her subsequent banishment from New Orleans.
She alleges in her memorial her belief that "her persecutions arose from mistaken identity" she being confounded with one or all of three ladies by the name of Hill, "known as blockade-runners," (p. 5.) Her own testimony, however, with the charges and specifications on which she was tried before the military commission, shows beyond question that she was tried and banished for acts committed by herself alone, and by no other Mrs. Or Miss Hill.
The amiability and gentleness of the claimant's nature, and the frame of mind under which she testifies, are most fully and satisfactorily manifested in her won memorial to this Commission, (No. 8,) heretofore dismissed by this Commission as one unfit to be presented to them. Even in the present case, her natural sweetness of temper occasionally breaks out, as in her deposition (Book 1, p. 4) where the mention of the names of Gen. Banks and Gen. Reynolds elicits from her while upon the stand the gentle ejaculation, "Those brutes."
The claimant annexed to her memorial (pp. 15 to 19) a copy of

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the charges and specifications on which she was tried, and the defence filed as proofs an official copy of the same charges and specifications with the findings of the military commission thereupon, the sentence of that commission that "she be confined during the war at such place as the commanding general may direct," and the order of General Hulbut approving the proceedings and findings, but modifying the sentence so as to direct that the claimant be sent into the Confederacy as an enemy. (Proofs for Defence, pp. 5 to 10.)
The evidence before the military commission has not been reproduced here, and of course the legal presumption follows that the findings of that commission were based upon sufficient evidence. In fact, however, the claimants own testimony, colored as it is by her peculiar temper and style, fully sustains all the charges and specifications made against her.
Those specifications relate to the three letters written by her to Gen. Thomas Taylor; her brother, Samuel W. Hill, a soldier in the Confederate army; and a Mrs. Graham, residing within the Confederacy at Montgomery, Ala. These letters are precisely such as the claimant's exhibition of her own character before this Commission would lead them to expect. They are filled with unstinted denunciations of the Yankees and their officers, prophesying the fleeing of General Grant and his well-whipped army, with their faces toward Washington and their backs toward Richmond, and reciting the services of Gen. Banks as a splendid commissary to Dick Taylor's army, &c. They are letters calculated to sustain and encourage the hopes and spirits of the Confederates and to strengthen them in the assurance of the weakness of their enemies. That the were violations of military law cannot be questioned.
The claimant in her second deposition, (Book 2, p. 22) specifies, among other grievances, that her "jailor," designated in her former memorial (No. 8, p. 4) as a "Dutch brute named Lawrence," threatened to put their in irons; and yet the same "Dutch brute" is shown by her on page 21 to have treated her with the utmost kindness, and offered to release her on a parole, i.e. an assurance from her that she would preserve neutrality and decent demeanor towards the United States. But these hard terms the high-spirited Hibernian lady refused with indignation. (Deps. Book 2, p. 21.)
Gen. Thomas W. Sherman, who was examined as a witness for the defence, gives his general recollection of the case, and details at some length the condition of the city of New Orleans at that time, held as a military post in the enemy's country, and within striking distance of the enemy's forces in all directions away from the coast.
The undersigned has fully discussed in the case of Colin J. Nicholson, No. 253, the condition of New Orleans at this time, and the liability of the citizens to trial by military commissions for military offences. He begs to refer to his argument filed in that case; and in conclusion submits that Mrs. Hill, amiable in heart and lovely in character as she appears to be, had distinctly taken her position as an enemy of the Unite States, while living within their military

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lines was giving aid, comfort, and encouragement to the enemy; and was equally amenable to the laws of the United States as if she had been, instead of the accomplished, amiable, and lady-like person she shows herself to be, a turbulent, vindictive, and dangerous enemy of the United States.
That she was guilty of offences against the law of war cannot be questioned. That she was fairly tried and gently dealt with is also beyond question; and she certainly can on no ground justly make reclamation against the United States.
Dated August 4, 1873.
Rob. S. Hale, Agent and Counsel of the U. S., &c.

Transcribed from actual copy of said diary by Jan Batte Craven

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