HISTORY OF

SARATOGA COUNTY, NEW YORK.

by NATHANIEL BARTLETT SYLVESTER

1878

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CHAPTER XIV.

THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE BURGOYNE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.

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I. - DIVISION OF THE SUBJECT.

The long warfare of the great northern valley at length culminated in the memorable campaign of 1777, the most important events of which took place within the boundaries of Saratoga County, making her name of high historic import. In his own narrative of the campaign Gen. Burgoyne says, "It is my intention, for the more ready comprehension of the whole subject, to divide it into three periods. The first from my appointment to the command to the end of my pursuit of the enemy from Ticonderoga; the second from that time to the passage of the Hudson river; the third to the signing of the convention."

In the following pages Gen. Burgoyne's division of the narrative will be observed.

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II. - ORGANIZING FOR THE CONTEST.

The delegates from Albany county to the provincial Congress that met at the Exchange, in the city of New York, April 20, 1775, were Col. Philip Schuyler, Abram Ten Broeck, and Abram Yates, Jr. They presented credentials signed by John N. Bleeker, chairman of Albany committee of correspondence.

At a meeting of committees of the several districts, held in the city of Albany on the 10th day of May, 1775, to choose delegates to the provincial Congress to meet May 22, 1775, Saratoga district was represented by its committee: Har Schuyler, Cornelius Van Veghten, Cornelius I. Vandenburgh, and Half-Moon by Guert Van Schoonhoven, Isaac Fonda, Wilhelmus Van Antwerp, Ezekiel Taylor. Dirck Swart was one of the delegates chosen at this meeting.

In the convention, May 24, 1775, the Albany delegates recommended the appointment of John N. Bleeker, Henry I. Bogert, George Palmer, Dirck Swart, and Peter Lansing to superintend the removal of cannon to the south end of Lake George, and they were given a letter containing minute instructions. {See Journal of Provincial Congress, vol. i. p. 12.}

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III. - THE EVENTS OF THE WAR PRECEDING THE BATTLES OF SARATOGA.

But in order properly to comprehend a description of the battles of this campaign, and rightly to understand how they came to be fought at the times and places they were, it is necessary briefly to recapitulate the more important events of the war, as well as the stirring incidents of the campaign which immediately preceded those battles.

The campaign of 1775 was highly advantageous to the American cause. Towards the end of the year the British army was successfully resisted, and the imperial authority defied everywhere, from Canada to Virginia. The early April uprising at Lexington and Concord had been followed by the vigorous siege of Gen. Howe's army in Boston. Ticonderoga and Crown Point, the key to the Canadian provinces, had been held, the king's troops had been expelled from Charlestown, Lord Dunmore driven from Norfolk, and even Quebec was closely invested by land and water. The campaign of 1776 changed matters for the worse. At the opening of the year Sir Guy Carleton drove the Americans from Quebec, yet his raid up Lake Champlain during the summer resulted in no material success to the British arms. In the south the British general, Sir William Howe, carried everything before him, and the Americans were only saved from almost total defeat by the consummate generalship of Washington at Trenton, near the close of the year. Thus the fortunes of war could hardly be said to favor the Americans at the end of the year 1776, and the ensuing summer of 1777 was looked forward to with great anxiety and many forebodings by the striving colonists.

In the mean time the British cabinet was almost exclusively engaged in concerting means for the re-establishment of the royal authority, and for that purpose had resolved upon the employment of the whole force of the realm. Gen. Burgoyne, who had been engaged in active service in America, near Boston, and on Lake Champlain in 1776, was, during the winter, called into the councils of the cabinet, and invited to submit his views as to the military operations of the ensuing summer. These views he submitted in a paper entitled, "Reflections upon the War in America," and his favorite project, then set forth - "that of an expedition from Canada into the heart of the disaffected districts," - was, with some modification made by the king, finally adopted, and himself appointed to command the northern army of invasion.

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IV. - PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777.

The plan of the British campaign in America, for the year 1777, included as its most prominent feature the advance of an army from Canada, by the way of the lakes, under Lieut.-Gen. John Burgoyne, which being increased, as it was hoped would be by the loyalist population of the country through which the army might pass, should force its way down the Hudson as far if possible as Albany, while at the same time the army of Sir Henry Clinton, then blockaded in New York, should break through the lines, advance up the Hudson, and join, at Albany or at any other point deemed practicable, the force from Canada under Burgoyne. By this means it was hoped that, while a free communication would thus be opened between New York and Canada, all communication would be cut off between the northern and southern colonies, and that each of them, being left to its own means of defense, without the possibility of co-operation, and attacked by superior numbers, would be reduced to submission. In order to make this desired junction more easy, and for the purpose of distracting the attention of the Americans, Lieut.-Col. St. Leger, with about two hundred British, a regiment of New York loyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John Johnson, and a large body of Indians, was to ascend the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, and from that quarter was to penetrate towards Albany, by the way of the Mohawk river.

The campaign thus planned had been determined upon after long-considered and mature deliberation, and the ultimate failure of the campaign so carefully designed was more significant of the power of the Americans and the weakness of the British than any event that had preceded it. The battle summer of 1777 has ever since been regarded as the season during which the destiny of the United States as a jurisdiction independent of Great Britain was definitely settled - as the season when the power of England in this country received the shock from which recovery was impossible. {See B. H. Hall's account of the battle of Bennington.}

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V. - BURGOYNE'S ARMY.

It has been seen that, at the close of the year 1775, the star of the colonists was in the ascendant, and that the expectations of the people rode high on the glittering crest of hope's wave. The next change was, of course, a plunge towards the trough of the billow. This trough of the billow, this slough of despond, was reached by the people of the colonies when the war-cloud swept down the northern valley, in the early summer of 1777, carrying everything before it. On the 27th day of March, Burgoyne sailed for America, and arrived at Quebec in the beginning of May, 1777. On the 20th of May he took command of the northern army of invasion, and set out on his ill-fated expedition with the flower of the British army and some of the best blood of England in his train. Up the river Richelieu, up Lake Champlain, his army swept in gorgeous pageantry, like the armies of the old French war of the long colonial period. It was the trail followed by the Marquis de Tracy and Governor Courcelle on their way to the Mohawk towns in the autumn of 1666. It was the pathway of Dieskau to his defeat at Lake George in 1755, and of Montcalm to his victory over Abercrombie at Fort Carillon (now Ticonderoga) of the year 1757. And like those old armies of the French and Indian wars, there was a mixed multitude in this army of Burgoyne. There were in it the bronzed veterans of many an European battle-field, joined with the undisciplined provincial and the savage warrior from the Canadian forests. Burgoyne's army, which thus took the field in July, 1777, consisted of seven battalions of British infantry, viz., the Ninth, Twentieth, Twenty-first, Twenty-fourth, Forty-seventh, Fifty-third, and Sixty-second Regiments. Of these the flank companies were detailed to form a corps of grenadiers, under Major Ackland, and of light infantry, under Major the Earl of Balcarras. The Germans were Hessian Rifles, dismounted dragoons, and a mixed force of Brunswickers.

The artillery was composed of five hundred and eleven rank and file, including one hundred Germans. There were a large number of guns, the most of which were left on the lake.

The whole original train furnished by Sir Guy Carleton consisted of sixteen heavy twenty-four-pounders; ten heavy twelve-pounders; eight medium twelve-pounders; two light twenty-four-pounders; one light twelve-pounder; twenty-six light six-pounders; seventeen light three-pounders; six eight-inch howitzers; six five-and-a-half-inch howitzers; two thirteen-inch mortars; two ten-inch mortars; six eight-inch mortars; twelve five-and-a-half-inch mortars; and twenty-four four-and-two-fifth-inch mortars. Of these, two heavy twenty-four-pounders were sent on board a ship for the defense of Lake Champlain, and the other fourteen were sent back to St. John's. Of the heavy twelve-pounders six were left at Ticonderoga, and four in the "Royal George;" four medium twelve-pounders at Fort George; one light twelve-pounder at Ticonderoga; two light six-pounders at Fort George; four light six-pounders at St. John's; four light three-pounders at Ticonderoga; five light three-pounders at St. John's; two eight-inch howitzers at Fort George, and two at St. John's; two five-and-a-half-inch howitzers at Fort George; two thirteen-inch mortars, two ten-inch mortars, and four eight-inch mortars in the "Royal George;" four five-and-a-half-inch mortars at Ticonderoga; four royal mortars in the "Royal George;" twelve cohorns at Ticonderoga; and eight cohorns in the "Royal George."

The field-train, therefore, that proceeded with the army, consisted of four medium twelve-pounders, two light twenty-four pounders, eighteen light six-pounders, six light three-pounders, two eight-inch howitzers, four five-and-a-half-inch howitzers, two eight-inch mortars, and four royals.

The army was divided into three brigades under Major. Gen. Phillips and Brig.-Gens. Fraser and Hamilton. Col. Kingston and Capt. Money acted as adjutant and quarter-master-generals. Sir James Clarke and Lord Petersham were aides-de-camp to Gen. Burgoyne. The total force was: Rank and file, British, 4135; Germans, 3116; Canadians, 148; Indians, 503; total, 7902. It was an army composed of thoroughly disciplined troops under able and trustworthy officers. John Burgoyne, the general, statesman, dramatist, and poet, was the pet soldier of the British aristocracy. Maj.-Gen. Phillips was a distinguished artillery officer of exceptional strategical skill. Maj.-Gen. Riedesel, who commanded the Hessians, had been especially selected for his military experience, acquired during a long service under Prince Ferdinand in the Seven Years' war. Brigadiers Fraser and Hamilton had been appointed solely on the ground of rare professional merit. Col. Kingston had served honorably in Portugal, and Majors Lord Balcarras and Ackland "were each in his own way considered officers of high attainments and brilliant courage." Thus officered, equipped, and manned, this army in its flotilla swept gracefully across the waters of the beautiful Lake Champlain, long before made historic by such hostile pageantry, until every bristling crag and rocky promontory breathed forth "the stern poetry of war."

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VI. - THE TERM "HESSIAN."

But fully to understand the import of the events of this battle of the summer of 1777, an examination of the antecedent circumstances which had aided in bringing together a certain portion of the army of Great Britain in America must not be omitted. For the last century the word "Hessian" has been used in this country: first, to signify a mean-spirited man, who, for money, hires himself to do the dirty work of another, and generally as an epithet of opprobrium. The word with these meanings was never recognized until after the defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga; and the peculiar infamy which since then has attached to it is derived from the supposed voluntary employment of the Hessian soldiery by Great Britain against the Americans. That there was no such voluntary employment is historically true, and the reproach which has so long been connected with the word Hessian in this country is as undeserved as it is unfounded. The Hessian soldiery had no more option in their employment to fight against Americans than had the negroes of the South, who were brought in slave-ships to this country, in working as slaves for their masters in the cotton-fields of South Carolina. As men the Hessians were honest, industrious, and peculiarly domestic in their tastes and lives, and many, if not all of them would gladly have given half they were worth or years of labor could they have been permitted to remain in their fatherland and follow their humble avocations in obscurity, or serve their country in their own armies. {B. H. Hall, on the battle of Bennington.}

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ENGLISH TREATIES FOR HESSIAN SUBJECTS.

To England belongs the disgrace and infamy of enticing the rulers of these men by large subsidies to compel their subjects to fight the wars of Great Britain. That this statement is correct, an examination of the facts will make apparent. On the 16th day of February, 1776, Lord Weymouth laid before the House of Lords, first, a treaty with the hereditary prince of Hesse-Darmstadt, dated Jan. 5, 1776; second, a treaty between his majesty George III. of England and the Duke of Brunswick, dated Jan. 9, 1776; and third, a treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, dated Jan. 15, 1776, for the hire of troops for the American service to the number of seventeen thousand three hundred men. The same treaties were laid before the House of Commons on the 29th of February of the same year. Lord North moved to refer them to the committee of supply. The motion instantly led to a most vehement debate. The chief arguments used by ministers to excuse or justify this hiring of foreign mercenaries were, that there was no possibility of raising in time a sufficient number of men at home; that, even if native forces could have been raised, it was not to be expected that raw and undisciplined troops could answer the purpose so well as tried, experienced veterans; that it would be a terrible loss to withdraw so many hands from the manufactures and husbandry of the country; that the expense with native troops would not end with the war, but would leave the nation saddled with the lasting incumbrance of half-pay for nearly thirty battalions; that foreign troops would cost much less for their maintenance than English troops; and that there was no novelty in such hiring, as the king had at all times been under the necessity of employing foreigners in the wars of the realm.

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VII. - ENGLISH OPPOSITION TO THE TREATIES.

To these statements the opposition replied that England was degrading herself by applying to the petty princes of Germany for succor against her own subjects, and reprobated in the strongest terms the practice of letting out to hire men who had nothing to do with the quarrel in question. Lord Irnham, in opposing the measures, quoted "Don Quixote" with some humor and effect, and ended with a compliment to the American people. "I shall say little," observed his lordship, "as to the feelings of these princes who can sell their subjects for such purposes. We have read of the humorist Sancho's wish that, if he were a prince, all his subjects should be blackamoors, as he could, by the sale of them, easily turn them into ready money; but that wish, however it may appear ridiculous and unbecoming a sovereign, is much more innocent than a prince's availing himself of his vassals for the purpose of sacrificing them in such destructive war, where he has the additional crime of making them destroy much better and nobler beings than themselves."

It was also urged by the opposition that these German soldiers, as soon as they should find themselves in a land of liberty, would join the banner of independence and fight against England, and that they would be specially inclined to such a course from the fact that already more than one hundred and fifty thousand of their countrymen had emigrated to the New World, and were making common cause with the Anglo-Americans. It was maintained that these German veterans, "who considered the camp their home and country," would be less inclined to desert than raw English levies. Lord North, who reverenced too highly German tactics and discipline, declared that a numerous body of the very best soldiery in Europe, inspired only with military maxims and ideas, too well disciplined to be disorderly and cruel, and too martial to be kept back by any false limits, could not fail of bringing matters to a speedy conclusion. Others, more sanguine even than he, were of opinion that these Brunswickers and Hessians would have little more to do than to show themselves on the American continent when instantly the rebellion would cease and quiet be restored to the land, as Virgil tells us the tempest ceased to beat and the storms subsided when Neptune, rising from the waves, bade the winds retire to their recesses. In closing the debate, Ald. Bull, who subsequently became conspicuous as the friend of Lord George Gordon, in the "No Popery" riots, spoke as follows: "The war you are now waging is an unjust one; it is founded in oppression, and its end will be distress and disgrace. Let not the historian be obliged to say that the Russian and, the German slave were hired to subdue the sons of Englishmen and of freedom; and that in the reign of a prince of the house of Brunswick every infamous attempt was made to extinguish that spirit which brought his ancestors to the throne, and, in spite of treachery and rebellion, seated them firmly upon it." In this debate not much stress was laid upon that "laudable national feeling" which in former times and since led Englishmen to "prize British valor above that of other nations," and to exalt the deeds of British infantry in all ages. The treaties were, by a large majority, referred to the committee of supply, who, on the 4th of March following, reported favorably upon them.

Discussion then arose afresh, and in the House of Lords the whole strength of the opposition was arrayed against the treaties and against the principle of hiring mercenaries to fight the battles of the realm. The Duke of Richmond moved an address to countermand the march of the foreign troops and to suspend hostilities altogether. In a speech, in which he criticised with the utmost severity every paragraph of the treaties, he stated that ever since the year 1702 the German princes had been rising in their demands, until now the present bargain far outstripped all other bargains, and would cost the nation not less than a million and a half of pounds sterling a year for the services of these seventeen thousand three hundred mercenaries. As to the influence, whether for good or for evil, that pervaded the councils of the realm in respect to these treaties, he declared that it proceeded from the determined character of the king himself.

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VIEWS OF THE EARL OF COVENTRY.

But of all the opposition, - among whom were Chatham and Burke, earnest advocates of the most conciliatory measures, - one noble lord, the Earl of Coventry, alone took the right philosophical view of the whole question, in maintaining that "an immediate recognition of the independence of the United Provinces was preferable to war." In advocating this theorem, his sagacious language was as follows: "Look on the map of the globe, view Great Britain and North America, compare their extent, consider the soil, riches, climate, and increasing population of the latter. Nothing but the most obstinate blindness and partiality can engender a serious opinion that such a country will long continue under subjection to this. The question is not, therefore, how shall we be able to realize a vain delusive scheme of dominion, but how we shall make it the interest of the Americans to continue faithful allies and warm friends. Surely that can never be effected by fleets and armies. Instead of meditating conquest, and exhausting our own strength in an ineffectual struggle, we should - wisely abandoning wild schemes of coercion - avail ourselves of this only substantial benefit we can ever expect, - the profits of an extensive commerce and the strong support of a firm and friendly alliance and compact for mutual defense and assistance."

But in vain were philosophy, eloquence, national pride, an appeal to kingly honor, mercy, or peace. The report of the committee on the treaties was approved (as were all measures whose object was to coerce the Americans), by what Burke called "that vast and invincible majority ;" and Great Britain was compelled by necessity to accept the very terms which the German princes had themselves prescribed in drafting these treaties, the only change produced being embodied in an address to his majesty made by Col. Barre, desiring him to use his interest that the German troops in British pay, then and thereafter, might be clothed with the manufactures of Great Britain. By the conditions of the treaties, nearly 7 10s. levy money was paid for every man, and the princes who hired out the limbs, blood, and lives of their subjects, in a fouler manner than men farm out their slaves, and with none of the humanity that characterizes the dealings of those who keep beasts of draught or of burden for hire, took especial care, while driving a very hard bargain with Great Britain, to reap the greater part of the profits thereof in their own subsidies. To the Duke of Brunswick, who supplied four thousand and eighty-four men, was secured an annual subsidy of 15,519 so long as the troops continued to serve, and double that sum, or 31,038, for each of the two years following their dismissal. To the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who furnished twelve thousand men, was secured 10,281 per annum, during the service of the soldiers, which payment was also to be continued until the end of a twelve months' notice of the discontinuance of such payment, which notice was not to be served until after his troops should all be returned to his dominions. To the hereditary prince of Hesse-Darmstadt, who furnished six hundred and eighty-eight men, was secured an annual subsidy of 6000, and besides all this the king of England guaranteed the dominions of these princes against foreign attack. A little later the Prince of Waldeck, who agreed to furnish six hundred and seventy men, made a bargain for himself equally as good as the bargains made by any of the other princes already named.

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VIEWS OF EDMUND BURKE, THE FRIEND OF AMERICA.

The effect of this employment of foreign troops continued to be felt not only in parliament during the continuance of the war, but exerted an influence on both sides of the Atlantic. In a letter to the sheriffs of Bristol on the affairs of America, published in April, 1777, Edmund Burke, referring to those who were in the habit of petitioning the king to prosecute the war against America with vigor, made use of this language: "There are many circumstances in the zeal shown for civil war, which seem to discover but little of real magnanimity. The addressers offer their own persons, and they are satisfied with hiring Germans. They promise their private fortunes, and they mortgage their country. They have all the merit of volunteers, without risk of person or charge of contribution; and when the unfeeling arm of a foreign soldiery pours out their kindred blood like water they exult and triumph, as if they themselves had performed some notable exploit." In the same letter he also observed as fellows: "It is not instantly that I can be brought to rejoice, when I hear of the slaughter and captivity of long lists of those names which have been familiar to my ears from my infancy, and to rejoice that they have fallen under the sword of strangers, whose barbarous appellations I scarcely know how to pronounce. The glory acquired at the White Plains by Col. Rahl has no charms for me, and I fairly acknowledge that I have not yet learned to delight in finding Kniphausen in the heart of the British dominions."

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VIEWS OF THE ELDER PITT AS THE FRIEND OF AMERICA.

On the 30th of May, 1777, Lord Chatham entered the House of Lords wrapped in flannel, and bearing a crutch in each hand. Sitting in his place, with his head covered, he delivered a powerful speech in support of his motion for an address to his majesty requesting him to put an end to hostilities in America. In the course of his remarks he said: "What has been the system pursued by administration, and what have been the means taken for carrying it into execution? Your system has been a government erected on the ruins of the constitution and founded in conquest, and you have swept all Germany of its refuse as its means. There is not a petty, insignificant prince whom you have not solicited for aid. You are become the suitors at every German court, and you have your ministers enrolled in the German chancery, as the contracting parties, in behalf of this once great and glorious country. The laurels of Britain are faded, her arms are disgraced, her negotiations are spurned at, and her councils fallen into contempt. My lords, you have vainly tried to conquer America by the aid of German mercenaries, by the arms of twenty thousand undisciplined German boors, gleaned and collected from every obscure corner of that country. You have subsidized their masters. You have lavished the public treasures on them. And what have you effected? Nothing, my lords, but forcing the colonies to declare themselves independent states."

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REFERENCE TO THE HESSIANS IN THE DECLARATION.

Among the charges brought against George III. in the Declaration of Independence was the following: "He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the work of death, desolation, and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation."

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VIII. - BURGOYNE'S SPEECH TO THE IROQUOIS.

On the 17th of June, Burgoyne encamped at the mouth of the Bouquet river, where for several days his army foraged on the deserted fields of Gilliland's manor of Willsboro'. On the twenty-first he made his speech to the Indians, couched in their own flowery style, as follows:

"CHIEFS AND WARRIORS. - The great king, our common father, and the patron of all who seek and deserve his protection, has considered with satisfaction the general conduct of the Indian tribes from the beginning of the troubles in America. Too sagacious and too faithful to be deluded or corrupted, they have observed the violated rights of the parental power they love, and burned to vindicate them. A few individuals alone, the refuse of a small tribe, at the first were led astray; and the misrepresentations, the precious allurements, the insidious promises and diversified plots in which the rebels are exercised, and all of which they employed for that effect, have served only in the end to enhance the honor of the tribes in general, by demonstrating to the world how few and how contemptible are the apostates. It is a truth known to you all that, these pitiful examples excepted (and they probably have before this day hid their faces in shame), the collective voices and hands of the Indian tribes over this vast continent are on the side of justice, of law, and of the king.

"The restraint you have put upon your resentment in waiting the king, your father's, call to arms, - the hardest proof, I am persuaded, to which your affection could have been put, - is another manifest and affecting mark of your adherence to that principle of connection to which you were always fond to allude, and which it is mutually the joy and the duty of the parent to cherish.

"The clemency of your father has been abused, the offers of his mercy have been despised, and his further patience would, in his eyes, become culpable, inasmuch as it would withhold redress from the most grievous oppressions in the province that ever disgraced the history of mankind. It therefore remains for me, the general of one of His Majesty's armies, and in this council his representative, to release you from those bonds which your obedience imposed. Warriors, you are free! Go forth in might of your valor and your cause! Strike at the common enemies of Great Britain and America, - disturbers of public order, peace, and happiness; destroyers of commerce; parricides of the state.

"The circle round you, the chiefs of His Majesty's European forces, and of the prince, his allies, esteem you as brothers in the war. Emulous in glory and in friendship, we will endeavor reciprocally to give and to receive examples. We know how to value, and we will strive to imitate, your perseverance in enterprise and your constancy to resist hunger, weariness, and pain. Be it our task, from the dictates of our religion, the laws of our welfare, and the principal and interest of our policy, to regulate your passions when they overbear, to point out where it is nobler to spare than to revenge, to discriminate degrees of guilt, to suspend the uplifted stroke, to chastise and not to destroy.

"This war to you, my friends, is new. Upon former occasions, in taking the field, you held yourselves authorized to destroy wherever you came, because everywhere you found an enemy. The case is now very different.

"The king has many faithful subjects dispersed in the provinces; consequently you have many brothers there; and these people are the more to be pitied, that they are persecuted or imprisoned wherever they are discovered or suspected; and to dissemble is, to a generous mind, a yet more grievous punishment.

"Persuaded that your magnanimity of character, joined to your principles of affection to the king, will give me fuller control over your minds than the military rank with which I am invested, I enjoin your most serious attention to the rules which I hereby proclaim for your invariable observation during the campaign.

"I positively forbid bloodshed, when you are not opposed in arms.

"Aged men, women, children, and prisoners must be held sacred from the knife or hatchet, even in the time of actual conflict.

"You shall receive compensation for the prisoners you take, but you shall be called to account for scalps.

"In conformity and indulgence of your customs, which have affixed an idea of honor to such badges of victory, you shall be allowed to take scalps of the dead when killed by your fire, and in fair opposition; but, on no account, or pretense, or sublety, or prevarication, are they to be taken from the wounded, or even dying; and still less pardonable, if possible, will it be held to kill men in that condition on purpose, and upon a supposition that this protection of the wounded would be thereby evaded.

"Base lurking assassins, incendiaries, ravagers, and plunderers of the country, to whatever army they may belong, shall be treated with less reserve; but the latitude must be given you by order, and I must be the judge of the occasion.

"Should the enemy on their part dare to countenance acts of barbarity towards those who may fall into their hands, it shall be yours also to retaliate; but till severity be thus compelled, bear immovable in your hearts this solid maxim (it cannot be too deeply impressed) that the great essential reward, worthy service of your alliance, the sincerity of your zeal to the king, your father and never-failing protector, will be examined and judged upon the test only of your steady and uniform adherence to the orders and counsels of those to whom His Majesty has intrusted the direction and the honor of his arms."

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IX. - ANSWER FROM AN OLD CHIEF OF THE IROQUOIS.

"I stand up in the name of all the nations present to assure our father that we have attentively listened to his discourse. We have received you as our father; because, when you speak, we hear the voice of our great father beyond the great lake.

"We rejoice in the approbation you have expressed of our behavior.

"We have been tried and tempted by the Bostonians; but we have loved our father, and our hatchets have been sharpened upon our affections.

"In proof of professions, our whole villages, able to go to war, came forth. The old and infirm, our infants and wives, alone remained at home.

"With one common assent we promise a constant obedience to all you have ordered, and all you shall order; and may the Father of days give you many and success."

From June 21 to June 25, Burgoyne's camp was at the mouth of the river Bouquet, where he threw up intrenchments. While there he took occasion to compliment some of his corps on having learned the art "of making flour-cakes without ovens, which," he adds, "are equally wholesome and relishing with the best bread." On the evening of the 25th his army left their camp at the mouth of the river Bouquet, under command of Maj.-Gen. Riedesel, and on the day following were quartered at Crown Point, on both sides of Putnam creek, where general orders appropriate to the change in position were issued. The few Americans in garrison there abandoned the fort and retreated to Ticonderoga. The British quietly took possession, and after establishing magazines and a hospital, and having succeeded in bringing up the rear of the army, and obtaining intelligence of the movements of the Americans, moved forward on the 1st of July.

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X. - BURGOYNE'S PROCLAMATION.

But before leaving Putnam creek, Gen. Burgoyne issued his famous and high-sounding proclamation. In his zeal for sustaining the cause of his royal master, he made use of this extraordinary language: "To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to the breasts of suffering thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God ia his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution and torture unprecedented in the inquisitions of the Romish church, are among the palpable enormities which verify the affirmative. These are inflicted by assemblies and committees who dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to the government under which they were born, and to which, by every tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consummate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason; the consciences of men are set at naught, and multitudes are compelled not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to au usurpation they abhor."

After exhorting all through whose territory he should pass to remain loyal, and offering to them employment should they join him, and solid coin "for every species of provision at an equitable rate," he concluded as follows: "I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, and they amount to thousands, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America, I consider them the same, wherever they may lurk.

"If, notwithstanding these endeavors and sincere inclination to effect them, the frenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted, in the eyes of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the state against the willful outcasts.

"The messengers of justice and wrath await them in the field; and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensable prosecution of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to their retreat."

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XI. - MARCH ON TICONDEROGA.

On the 30th of June, Burgoyne prepared to attack Ticonderoga. Before advancing, in a general order promulgated to his troops, he used the following language, which was the key-note of the campaign:

"The army embarks to-morrow to approach the enemy. We are to contend for the king and the constitution of Great Britain, to vindicate the law and to relieve the oppressed, - a cause in which His Majesty's troops and those of the princes, his allies, will feel equal excitement.

"The services required of this particular expedition are critical and conspicuous. During our progress occasions may occur in which no difficulty, nor labor, nor life, are to be regarded. THIS ARMY MUST NOT RETREAT."

The effect produced by the proclamation was, in some quarters, directly contrary to that intended by its author. In many minds its statements gave rise to sentiments of indignation and contempt. Gov. Livingston, of New Jersey, made it an object of general derision by paraphrasing it in Hudibrastic verse. John Holt, of New York, an old and respectable printer, published it in his newspaper at Poughkeepsie with this motto: "Pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit before a fall." In his "State of the Expedition," published several years later, Gen. Burgoyne fails to record this ill-judged document. "It is remarkable," observes Dr. Timothy Dwight, "that the four most haughty proclamations issued by military commanders in modern times have prefaced their ruin: this of Gen. Burgoyne; that of the Duke of Brunswick, when he was entering France; that of Bonaparte in Egypt; and that of Gen. Le Clerc at his arrival in St. Domingo."

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TICONDEROGA AND MOUNT INDEPENDENCE.

On the 1st of July the whole of Burgoyne's army moved forward and took positions near Ticonderoga. Brig.-Gen. Fraser's corps occupied a strong post at Three-Mile creek, on the west or New York shore of Lake Champlain; the German Reserve, under Riedesel, took a position on the east or Vermont shore, opposite Putnam creek, while the main army encamped in two lines, the right wing at a place called Four-Mile Point, on the west shore, and the left wing nearly opposite, on the east shore. The frigates the "Royal George" and "Inflexible," with the gunboats, were anchored just without the reach of the batteries of the Americans, and covered the lake from the west to the east shore. Meantime, St. Clair, to whom the command of Ticonderoga, on the New York shore, and Mount Independence, in the town of Orwell, on the Vermont shore, had been intrusted by Schuyler on the 5th of June, 1777, had reached his post on the 12th of that month. Upon the table-land summit of Mount Independence was a star fort, strongly picketed, in the centre of which was a convenient square of barracks. The fort was well supplied with artillery, and its approaches guarded with batteries. The foot of the hill, towards Lake Champlain, was protected by a breastwork, which had been strengthened by an abatis and by a strong battery standing on the shore of the lake, near the mouth of East creek. A floating bridge connected the works of Mount Independence with those of Ticonderoga, on the other side of the lake, and served as an obstruction to the passage of vessels up the lake. The battery at the foot of Mount Independence covered and protected the east end of the bridge. The bridge itself was supported on twenty-two sunken piers, formed of very large timber, the spaces between the piers being filled with floats, each about fifty feet long and twelve feet wide, strongly fastened together with iron chains and rivets. A boom, made of large pieces of timber, well secured together by riveted bolts, was placed on the north side of the bridge, and by the side of this was a double iron chain, the links of which were one inch. and a half of an inch square. The other end of the bridge was covered by the "Grenadier's Battery," a strong redoubt built of earth and stone, which was originally constructed by the French and subsequently enlarged by the English.

On the New York side, at the time of Burgoyne's approach, a small detachment of Americans occupied the old French lines on the height to the north of Fort Ticonderoga. These lines were in good repair, and had several intrenchments behind them, chiefly calculated to guard the northwest flank, and were also sustained by a block-house. Farther to the left of the Americans was an outpost at the saw-mills, now the village of Ticonderoga. There was also a block-house upon an eminence above the mills, and a blockhouse and hospital at the entrance of Lake George. Upon the right of the American lines, and between them and the old fort, there were two new block-houses, and the Grenadier's battery, close to the water's edge, was manned.

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MOUNT HOPE AND SUGAR LOAF MOUNTAIN.

On the west side of the outlet of Lake George, near the lower falls, rises Mount Hope, an abrupt and rocky elevation, and especially rugged and precipitous on the northeast side. On the south side of the mouth of the outlet of Lake George, and separated from Fort Ticonderoga (which is situated north of the outlet), and opposite Mount Independence, is the lofty eminence of Mount Defiance, then known as Sugar Loaf mountain, which rises abruptly from the water to the height of about seven hundred and fifty feet. Through the vigilance of his scouts, Burgoyne soon learned that St. Clair had neglected to fortify these two important and commanding elevations, and instead of making a direct assault upon the fortress of Ticonderoga, he determined to take possession first of these valuable positions.

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THE FORCES.

The American works formed an extensive crescent of which Mount Independence was the centre. The entire line required at least ten thousand men and one hundred pieces of artillery for its defense. But now when such a force was necessary, St. Clair's whole army consisted of only two thousand five hundred and forty-six Continental troops and nine hundred militia. Of the latter, not one-tenth had bayonets. Besides the lack of men, the food, clothing, arms, and ammunition were insufficient. Congress had been led to believe that Burgoyne was preparing an expedition against the coast towns, and influenced by this belief had turned its exertions in other directions and had left the posts on Lake Champlain almost undefended. The army of Burgoyne, on the contrary, amounted on the 1st of July to six thousand seven hundred and forty men, of whom three thousand seven hundred and twenty-four were British and three thousand and sixteen German troops. In addition to this there were five hundred and eleven men in the artillery service, besides Canadians, Tories, and Indians.

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THE FIRST SUCCESS.

On the morning of the second the British observed a smoke in the direction of Lake George, and soon after the Indians reported that the Americans had set fire to the farther block-house and had abandoned the saw-mills, and that a considerable body was advancing from the lines towards a bridge upon the road which led from the saw-mills towards the right of the British camp. A detachment of the advanced corps under Brig.-Gen. Fraser, with other troops and some light artillery under Maj.-Gen. Phillips, were immediately sent out, with orders to proceed to Mount Hope, not only to reconnoitre, but to seize any post the Americans might abandon. The Indians, under Capt. Fraser, with his company of marksmen, were directed to make a circuit to the left of Brig.-Gen. Fraser's line of march, and strive to keep the Americans from reaching their lines; but this undertaking failed by reason of the impetuosity of the Indians, who made the attack too soon and in front, thus giving the Americans an opportunity to return; they having lost, however, one officer and a few men killed and one officer wounded.

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ST. CLAIR'S LETTER.

St. Clair was an officer of acknowledged bravery, yet he was far from being an expert and skillful military leader. His self-reliance and his confidence in the courage of his men led him often to be less vigilant than necessity demanded. Even with the knowledge of the great disparity in numbers between his force and that of the British, and in spite of the events of the 2d of July which had already occurred in his immediate vicinity, he was enabled to write the following cheerful yet urgent letter to Col. John Williams, of Salem, then White Creek, Washington county, to Col. Moses Robinson, of Bennington, and to Col. Seth Warner. This letter is now published for the first time:

TICONDEROGA, July 2, 1777.

"GENTLEMEN, - About two hours ago I received your letter of this day, and am very happy to hear that the people turn out so well, though it is not more than I expected from them. The enemy have been lying looking at us for a day or two, and we have had a little firing, not a great deal. But I believe they will in earnest try what we can do, perhaps this night. I rather think it is their intention, though I may, perhaps, be mistaken; but be that as it will, at all events push on your people with the utmost expedition, and let the cattle remain where they are. Order Col. Lymans and Col. Billany to follow with all expedition. Everything depends upon a spirited push, and I can assure you that the men here are as determined as you can possibly wish them. We took a prisoner and have had Hessian deserters to-day, but I have not yet time to examine them. If you and Col. Warner can bring on six hundred men, or even less, I would wish you to march, part by the new road and part by the old road, to a certain distance. Of that distance you and ha eau judge much better than me. The party that march on the old road will then turn to the left and fall in upon the new road. These motions will distract the enemy, and induce them to believe that your numbers are treble what they really are, and if you are attacked on either road by an even number, make directly for Mount Independence and you will find a party out to support you, and fall upon the enemy's flanks or front, as they may happen to present themselves. If I had only your people here I would laugh at all the enemy could do. But do not forget to have a proper guard for the cattle, and then we can bring in as we want in spite of them. We will want all the men that we can get for all this. I am, gentlemen, your very humble servant,

A. ST. CLAIR.

"COL. WILLIAMS, COL. ROBINSON, and COL. WARNER."

This letter, doubtless, had the effect of hastening forward the promised aid. Cols. Warner and Robinson reached Ticonderoga in time to take part in its evacuation, and the former did gallant service in the battle of Hubbardton on the 7th of July. It is also believed that Col. Williams reached the fort, but whether with or without a command, is not positively known.

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THE EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA.

On the night of the 2d, Maj.-Gen. Phillips took possession of Mount Hope, and by this movement the Americans were entirely cut off from all communication with Lake George. On the following day, Mount Hope was occupied in force by Fraser's corps. Maj.-Gen. Phillips now held the ground west of Mount Hope, and Fraser's camp at Three-Mile creek was occupied by a body of men drawn from the opposite side of the lake. Riedesel's column was pushed forward as far as East creek on the Vermont side, from which it could easily stretch behind Mount Independence.

"During all these movements the American troops kept up a warm fire against Mount Hope and against Riedesel's column, but without effect. On the 4th the British were employed in bringing up their artillery, tents, baggage, and provisions, while the Americans, at intervals, continued the cannonade. The same evening the radeau or raft 'Thunderer' arrived from Crown Point with the battering train.

"The British line now encircled the American works on the north, east, and west. The possession of Mount Defiance would complete the investment, and effectually control the water communication in the direction of Skenesborough. Burgoyne's attention had, from the first, been attracted towards this eminence, and he had directed Lieut. Twiss, his chief engineer, to ascertain whether its summit was accessible. On the 4th, Lieut. Twiss reported that Mount Defiance held the entire command of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, at the distance of about fourteen hundred yards from the former, and fifteen hundred yards from the latter, and that a practicable road could be made to the summit in twenty-four hours. On receiving this report Burgoyne ordered the road opened and a battery constructed for light twenty-four-pounders, medium twelves, and eight-inch howitzers. This arduous task was pushed with such activity, that during the succeeding night the road was completed, and eight pieces of cannon were dragged to the top of the hill.

"On the morning of the 5th the summit of Mount Defiance glowed with scarlet uniforms, and the guns of its batteries stood threateningly over the American forts. 'It is with astonishment,' says Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal, 'that we find the enemy have taken possession of an eminence called Sugar Loaf hill, or Mount Defiance, which, from its height and proximity, completely overlooks and commands all our works. The situation of our garrison is viewed as critical and alarming; a few days will decide our fate. We have reason to apprehend the most fatal effects from their battery on Sugar Loaf hill.' Gen. St. Clair immediately called a council of war, by whom it was decided to evacuate the works before Riedesel should block up the narrow passage south of East creek, which, with the lake to Skenesborough, presented the only possible way of escape."

As every movement o the Americans could be seen through the day from Mount Defiance, no visible preparations for leaving the fort were made until after dark on the evening of the 5th, and the purpose of the council was concealed from the troops until the evening order was given. About midnight directions were issued to place the sick and wounded, and the women, the baggage, and such ammunition and stores as might be expedient, on board two hundred bateaux, to be dispatched at three o'clock in the morning under a convoy of five armed galleys and a guard of six hundred men, under the command of Col. Long, of the New Hampshire troops, up the lake to Skenesborough, while the main body was to proceed by land to the same destination, by way of Castleton. The cannons that could not be moved were to be spiked; previous to striking the tents every light was to be extinguished; each soldier was to provide himself with several days' provisions; and to allay any suspicion on the part of the enemy of such a movement, a continued cannonade was to be kept up from one of the batteries in the direction of Mount Hope, until the moment of departure. These directions as to the mode of leaving were strictly obeyed except in one instance.

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THE PURSUIT.

"The boats reached Skenesborough about three o'clock on the afternoon of the same day, where the fugitives landed to enjoy, as they fancied, a temporary repose; but in less than two hours they were startled by the reports of the cannon of the British gunboats, which were firing at the galleys lying at the wharf. By uncommon effort and industry, Burgoyne had broken through the chain, boom, and bridge at Ticonderoga, and had followed in pursuit with the 'Royal George' and 'Inflexible,' and a detachment of the gunboats under Capt. Carter. The pursuit had been pressed with such vigor that, at the very moment when the Americans were landing at Skenesborough, three regiments disembarked at the head of South bay, with the intention of occupying the road to Fort Edward. Had Burgoyne delayed the attack upon the galleys until these regiments had reached the Fort Edward road, the whole party at Skenesborough would have been taken prisoners. Alarmed, however, by the approach of the gunboats, the latter blew up three of the galleys, set fire to the fort, mill, and storehouse, and retired in great confusion towards Fort Ann. Occasionally the overburdened party would falter on their retreat, when the startling cry of 'March on, the Indians are at our heels,' would revive their drooping energies and give new strength to their weakened limbs. At five o'clock in the morning they reached Fort Ann, where they were joined by many of the invalids who had been carried up Wood creek in boats. A number of the sick, with the cannon, provisions, and most of the baggage, were left behind at Skenesborough.

"On the 7th a small reinforcement, sent from Fort Edward by Schuyler, arrived at Fort Ann. About the same time a detachment of British troops approached within sight of the fort. This detachment was attacked from the fort, and repulsed with some loss; a surgeon, a wounded captain, and twelve privates were taken prisoners by the Americans. The next day Fort Ann was burned, and the garrison retreated to Fort Edward, which was then occupied by Gen. Schuyler."

The fate of the remainder of those who left Ticonderoga now demands our attention. Although every precaution possible was taken, yet so sudden was the departure and so short the notice, that much confusion ensued. The garrison of Ticonderoga creased the bridge to Mount Independence at about three o'clock in the morning, the enemy all the while unconscious of the escape of their prey. "The moon was shining brightly, yet her pale light was insufficient to betray the toiling Americans in their preparations and flight, and they felt certain that, before daylight should discover their withdrawal, they would be too far advanced to invite pursuit." But Gen. De Fermoy, who commanded on Mount Independence, regardless of express orders, set fire to the house he had occupied, as his troops left to join in the retreat with those who had passed over from Ticonderoga. The light of the conflagration revealed the whole scene to the astonished forces of the British, and throughout their extended camp sounded the notes of preparation for hot and determined pursuit.

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THE FLIGHT OF ST. CLAIR.

Thus on Sunday morning, July 6, 1777, the unfortunate Americans commenced their overland flight. St. Clair, with the main army, directed his course through the Vermont towns of Orwell, Sudbury, and Hubbardton, and encamped at evening at Castleton, about twenty-six miles from Ticonderoga. The rear-guard, under the command of Col. Ebenezer Francis, of the Eleventh Massachusetts Regiment, left Mount Independence at about four o'clock in the morning, taking the same route as had been taken by St. Clair, and passing onward in irregular order, after a most fatiguing march, rested at Hubbardton, about twenty-two miles from Ticonderoga, and encamped in the woods. These, together with stragglers from the main army, picked up by the way, were left in the command of Cols. Warner and Francis, and there remained during the night, not only for rest but also to be joined by some who had been left behind on the march. The place of encampment was in the northeast part of Hubbardton, near the Pittsford line, upon the farm then owned by John Selleck, not far from the place where the Baptist meeting-house now stands.

As soon as the British perceived the movements of the Americans, Brig.-Gen. Simon Fraser took possession of Ticonderoga, unfurled the British flag over that fortress at daylight, and before sunrise had passed the bridge and Mount Independence, and was in close pursuit of the flying Americans, at the head of a little more than half the advanced corps, and without artillery, which, with the utmost endeavors, it was impossible to get up. Ticonderoga was placed in charge of the regiment of Prince Frederick, under Lieut.-Col. Prätorious, and the Sixty-second British Regiment were ordered to Mount Independence, both regiments being under the command of Brig.-Gen. Hamilton, who was directed to place guards for the preservation of all buildings from fire, and to collect all the powder and other stores and secure them.

Without intermission Brig.-Gen. Fraser continued the pursuit of the flying Americans till one o'clock in the afternoon, having marched in a very hot day since four o'clock in the morning. From some stragglers from the American force whom he picked up, he learned that their rear-guard was composed of chosen men and commanded by Col. Francis, "one of their best officers." From some Tory scouts he also learned that the Americans were not far in advance. While his men were refreshing themselves, Maj.-Gen. Riedesel came up with his Brunswickers, and arrangements for continuing the pursuit having been concerted, Brig.-Gen. Fraser moved forward again, leaving Riedesel and his corps behind, and during the night of Sunday, the 6th, lay upon his arms in an advantageous situation, three miles in advance of Riedesel and three miles nearer the rear-guard of the Americans.

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THE BATTLE OF HUBBARDTON.

An account of the battle of Hubbardton, which battle took place on the morning of the 7th of July, is given by Gen. Burgoyne in these words: "At three in the morning Brig-Gen. Fraser renewed his march: and about five his advanced scouts discovered the enemy's sentries, who fired their pieces and joined the main body [of the rear-guard]. The brigadier, observing a commanding ground to the left of his light infantry, immediately ordered it to be possessed by that corps; and a considerable body of the enemy attempting the same, they met. The enemy were driven back to their original pest. The advanced guard, under Major Grant, was by this time engaged, and the grenadiers were advanced to sustain them, and to prevent the right flank from being turned. The brigadier remained on the left, where the enemy long defended themselves by the aid of logs and trees; and, after being repulsed and prevented getting to the Castleton road by the grenadiers, they rallied and renewed the action, and, upon a second repulse, attempted their retreat to the Pittsford mountain. The grenadiers scrambled up a part of that ascent, appearing almost inaccessible, and gained the summit before them, which threw them into confusion. They were still greatly superior in numbers, and consequently in extent; and the brigadier, in momentary expectation of the Brunswickers, had laterally drawn from his left to support his right. At this critical moment Gen. Riedesel, who had pressed on upon hearing the firing, arrived with the foremost of his columns, viz., the chasseurs company and eighty grenadiers and light infantry. His judgment immediately pointed to him the course to take. He extended upon Brigadier Fraser's left flank. The chasseurs got into action with great gallantry under Major Barney. They [the Americans] fled on all sides, leaving dead upon the field Col. Francis and many other officers, with upward of two hundred men. Above six hundred were wounded, most of whom perished in the woods attempting to get off, and one colonel, seven captains, ten subalterns, and two hundred and ten men were made prisoners. Above two hundred stands of arms were also taken.

"The number of the enemy before the engagement amounted to two thousand men. The British detachment under Brig.-Gen. Fraser (the parties left the day before at Ticonderoga not having been able to join) consisted only of eight hundred and fifty fighting men."

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XII. - THE EFFECT OF THE EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA.

The fort at Ticonderoga was built by the French in 1756, and taken from them by Gen. Amherst in 1759. Early in 1775 it was taken from the British by Col. Ethan Allen, and upon the approach of Burgoyne was garrisoned by an army of three thousand American troops under command of Gen. St. Clair. It was looked upon as one of the strongest posts in North America, and the colonists confidently hoped and expected that it was a perfect bar to Burgoyne's further progress. But there was a fatal error in its situation, which had been entirely overlooked or ignored by both the French and American engineers. A little to the south of it was a high rounded eminence - now known as Mount Defiance, then called Sugar Hill - which commanded every corner of the fort. The Americans had supposed it to be impossible to occupy this point with cannon, but the keen military eye of Gen. Fraser, long trained in the artillery practice of Europe, saw at a glance the overshadowing importance of the position. On the 5th of July, Gen. Fraser, at the head of his light infantry, to the utter astonishment of Gen. St. Clair, appeared in force on the top of Sugar Hill, clearing the ground on the top for the purpose of planting his cannon. The Americans saw at once their fatal error, and comprehending the full danger of the situation, evacuated the fort in the night time, and at the break of day on the 6th of July the English colors again waved over Ticonderoga.

Bitter was the disappointment of the colonists at the fall of this fort. The order to evacuate was received in the fort with curses and with tears, but there was no alternative. Mount Defiance was already covered with red-coats, planting the batteries that would soon sweep every corner of their works. "Such a retreat," wrote one of the garrison, "was never heard of since the creation of the world." "We never shall hold a post," said John Adams, "until we shoot a general." Burgoyne wrote home: "They seem to have expended great treasure and the unwearied labor of more than a year to fortify, upon the supposition that we should only attack them upon the point where they were best prepared to resist." Upon the receipt of the news in England, the king rushed into the queen's apartment, crying, "I have beat them - I have beat all the Americans;" and Lord George Germain announced the event in parliament as if it, had already decided the fate of the colonies. After the fall of Ticonderoga, slowly and sullenly the Americans, under command of Gen. Philip Schuyler, retreated towards Fort Edward on the Hudson, fighting the bloody battles of Hubbardstown and Fort Ann on the way. On the 28th of July, Burgoyne arrived at the Hudson river, near Fort Edward, and the Americans evacuated that fort as well as Fort George, at the head of Lake George, and retreating down the river to Stillwater left the whole upper valley of the Hudson above Saratoga in the indisputable possession of the victorious British general. The darkest day of the campaign to the Americans had now come, but it proved to be the darkness which always precedes the early dawn.

Great blame fell upon St. Clair, and greater still upon Gen. Schuyler, and it was not until the fact became apparent that Congress had neglected to garrison and provision Mount Independence and Fort Ticonderoga, that the public clamor against these brave and magnanimous officers subsided. Ticonderoga had been evacuated by the unanimous vote of a full council of war; yet there were some who boasted that they could tell when that fortress was sold and for how much, while others asserted that Schuyler and St. Clair had both been bribed by Burgoyne, who, it was said, had fired silver bullets into the fort, which were gathered by order of St. Clair and divided between him and Schuyler. One hundred and twenty-eight cannon were lost on that occasion, yet that number, like Falstaff's men, who grew from two to eleven, was exaggerated to three hundred. There were no artillerymen either slain or captured at that time, but the report was current that not one of them had escaped.

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SCHUYLER'S PROCLAMATION.

Soon after Burgoyne had issued his grandiloquent proclamation, he on the 10th of July issued another, addressed particularly to the inhabitants of Castleton, Hubbardton, Rutland, Inmouth, Pawlet, Wells, Granville, and of the neighboring districts, also to the people living in the districts bordering on White Creek, Camdden, Cambridge, etc., calling on them to send from each town a deputation of ten men to meet Col. Skene five days thence at Castleton, in order to secure from him further encouragement, if they had acknowledged allegiance to Great Britain, or, if they had not, to hear the conditions "upon which the persons and properties of the disobedient" might yet be spared. In answer to this, Gen. Schuyler, on the 13th of July, addressed a counter-proclamation to the same people, in which, after referring to the scenes which had not long before been witnessed in New Jersey, when the deluded inhabitants, who had confided in British promises, had been treated with the most wanton barbarity, he announced to them that those who should "join with or in any manner or way assist or give comfort or hold correspondence with, or take protection from the enemy," would be considered and dealt with as traitors to the United States.

Many not only refused to notice the warning of Schuyler, but voluntarily remained "within the power of the enemy," and were obliged "to wear a signal in their hats, and put signals before their doors, and also upon their cattles' horns, that they were friends to the king and had stayed on their farms agreeable to Gen. Burgoyne's proclamation." These were known as "protectioners," and in subsequent years suffered many indignities from their neighbors by reason of their Toryism on this occasion.

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LETTER TO JOHN WILLIAMS.

Although terribly grieved on account of the failure at Ticonderoga, Gen. Schuyler was indefatigable in his endeavors to restore confidence to the country which was being foraged and ravaged by Burgoyne's forces, and to learn from prisoners and deserters the condition of Burgoyne's army. As an instance of the care exercised by this brave soldier, even when surrounded by trials of the severest nature, the following letter, never before published, will serve as a specimen. It was written to Col. John Williams, of White Creek, in answer to a letter of Williams sent by a lieutenant who had in charge a suspicious person named Baker, who had been captured by Williams, and is in these words:

FORT EDWARD, July 14, 1777.

"SIR, - Your note of this day has been delivered me by Lieutenant Young. I have examined Mr. Baker and found him tripping in so many things that I am clearly convinced he is an agent of the enemy, and sent not only to give intelligence, but to intimidate the inhabitants and induce them to join the enemy. I have closely confined him, and shall send him down the country. He informs me that one John Foster is also gone to the enemy and, as he supposes he will be back in a day or two, I beg he may be made prisoner and sent to me under a good guard. You must furnish your militia with provisions in the best manner you can, and the allowance will be made for it. I have scouts out in every quarter, and a large body at Fort Ann, and, until they come away, I am not apprehensive that an attack will be made on White Creek. It would be the height of imprudence to disperse my army into different quarters, unless there is the most evident necessity.

I am, sir, your most humble servant,

"PR. SCHUYLER,

" COLONEL WILLIAMS,"

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XIII. - BURGOYNE'S ADVANCE.

Slowly and cautiously did Burgoyne proceed in his advance. On the 7th of July his headquarters were at Skenesborough, at the residence of Gen. Philip Skene, where they remained until the 25th of that month, when they were moved forward to Fort Ann. On the 29th they were advanced to the camp at Pitch Pine Plains, near Fort Edward, and the following day Burgoyne watered his horses in the Hudson at Fort Edward, and the best period of his campaign was over.

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