History of Warren County, H. P. Smith
Chapter IV: European Discovery and Occupation
This transcription was produced through the use of Readiris Pro 11 OCR software. Contributed by Tim Varney.
First European Colonists - Discoveries by Columbus and His Successors - Competitors for the New World - Colonization of New France - Difficulties of the Scheme - Final Success - Champlain's Advent - His Enterprising Explorations - His Colony of 1608 - Expedition against the Iroquois - The First Battle - Henry Hudson and Dutch Colonization - English Colonies at Plymouth Rock and Jamestown - Claims of Three European Powers - Subsequent Career of Champlain.
Before Page 45 entering upon the work of detailing the events more directly connected with the early settlement of the valley of Lakes Champlain and George, it may not be out of place to glance hastily over some of the more notable acts and movements of governments and men that had much to do in opening the way and leading up to the final occupation and settlement of the territory under consideration.
It is not yet four hundred years since the day on which occurred the event that proved to be the first ray of light from the rising sun of civilization, whose beams were destined to penetrate and dissipate the clouds of barbarism that hovered over the untamed wilderness of the American continent; and during the ages that preceded that event, no grander country in all respects ever awaited the advance of civilization and enlightenment. With climate and soil diversified between almost the widest extremes; with thousands of miles of ocean shores indented by magnificent harbors to welcome the world's commerce; Page 46 with many of the largest rivers of the globe intersecting and draining its territory and forming natural commercial highways; with a system of lakes so grand in proportions as to entitle them to the name of inland seas; with mountains, hills and valleys laden with the richest minerals and almost exhaustless fuel; and with scenery unsurpassed for grandeur, it needed only the coming of the Caucasian to transform a continent of wilderness, inhabited by savages, into the free, enlightened republic which is to-day the wonder and the admiration of the civilized world.
The first Europeans to visit America were Scandinavians, who colonized Iceland in 875, Greenland in 983, and about the year 1000 had pushed their discoveries as far southward as the State of Massachusetts. But it was towards the close of the fifteenth century before the country became known to Southern Europe, a discovery accidentally made in a quest of a westerly route to India and China. In 1492 the Genoese, Christopher Columbus, set out on a voyage of discovery under the patronage of the Spanish power, and in that and the two succeeding years made his tropical discoveries. The Venetian sailor, John Cabot, was commissioned by Henry VII, of England, in 1497, to voyage to the new territory and take possession of it in the name of England. He discovered New Foundland and portions adjacent. In 1500 the coast of Labrador and the entrance to the Gulf of St. Lawrence were explored by two brothers from Portugal, named Cortereal. In 1508 Aubert discovered the St. Lawrence, and four years later, in 1512, Ponce de Leon discovered Florida. Magellan, the Portuguese navigator, passed through the straits which now bear his name in 1519, and was the first to circumnavigate the globe. In 1534 Jacques Cartier explored the St. Lawrence as far as Montreal, and five years later Fernando de Soto explored Florida. In 1578 an English navigator named Drake discovered Upper California. These brief data indicate that not a century had passed after the discovery of Columbus, before the different maritime powers of Europe were in active competition for the rich prizes supposed to exist in the New World,
While the Spaniards were pushing their acquisitions in the South, the French had gained a foothold in the northern part of the continent. Here the cod fisheries of New Foundland and the prospects of a more valuable trade in furs, opened as early as the beginning of the sixteenth century by Frenchmen, Basques, Bretons and Normans, held out the most glowing inducements. In 1518 Baron Livy settled there (New Foundland) and in 1524 Francis I, of France, sent thither Jean Verrazzani, a noted Florentine mariner, on a voyage of exploration. He sailed along the coast 2,100 miles in the frail vessels of the period and returned safely to his country. On his coast voyage he entered a large harbor which is supposed to have been that of New York, where he remained fifteen days; it is believed that his crew were the first Europeans to land on the soil of the State of New York. He proceeded north as far as Labrador Page 47 and gave to the whole region the name of New France, thus opening the way for the future contest between France and England.
In 1534 a French navigator named Jacques Cartier, born in St. Malo in 1494, was commissioned by the same French king, Francis I, and put in command of an expedition to explore the New World. After celebrating impressive religious ceremonies, as was the custom at that period before beginning any important undertaking, on the 20th of April, 1534, Cartier sailed from St. Malo with two vessels and with upwards of two hundred men. He touched first the coast of New Foundland, and then, sailing northward, passed through the Strait of Belle Isle, landing on the coast of Labrador, where he took formal possession of the country in the name of his sovereign. Continuing his voyage, he followed the coast of New Foundland, making landings at various points and holding friendly intercourse with the natives; at Gaspe Bay he persuaded a chief to permit his two sons to accompany him on his return to France; here also he planted a cross with the French arms upon it, and thence sailed northeast through the Gulf of St. Lawrence and entered the river of that name north of what is now called Anticosti Island. As he sailed up the broad stream on St. Lawrence day (August 10th), he applied to the river the name of the illustrious saint whose memory is perpetuated by that day. Here, unaware that he had discovered the mouth of a noble river, and anxious to avoid the autumnal storms, he turned his prow towards France, and on September 5th, 1534, entered the harbor of St. Malo.
The succeeding year, 1535, having under the command of the king, fitted up a fleet of three vessels and organized a colony, to a large extent composed of the younger members of the French nobility, Cartier again sailed from France, empowered by the authority of the king to occupy and colonize the country he had discovered, and to which he gave the name of New France.
Arriving at the mouth of the St. Lawrence in July, he sailed up its majestic course to where the St. Charles (to which he gave the name of St Croix) enters it, near the present site of Quebec, and cast anchor on the 14th of September.
Here he was entertained by Donnaconna, a prominent chieftain, with the utmost hospitality, and through the aid of the two young Indians who had returned with Cartier, was enabled to indulge in considerable conversation with the royal savage. From this point he made several expeditions, the most important one being up the river to a large Huron Indian town bearing the name of Hochelaga, on the site of the present city of Montreal. To a prominent eminence back of the town Cartier gave the name Mount Real (Royal Mountain), hence the name of the modern city. This was the most important town of a large Indian population; they possessed the country for a long distance up and down the river from that point, and appeared to be a thrifty, industrious people, living at peace among themselves and with adjoining tribes. Cartier found them kindly disposed towards him, and received numerous substantial evidences of Page 48 their hospitality and confidence, to the extent of being permitted to take away with him a little Huron girl, a daughter of one of the chiefs, who "lent her to him to take to France." (1)
Though their town was palisaded plainly for the purpose of protection against enemies, he saw before him the open fields covered with ripening corn, attesting alike the industry of the people and the fertility of the soil. His imagination reveled in dreams of conquest and power, as, standing on the lofty hill at the rear of the town, his gaze wandered along the majestic river, embosoming fruitful islands, and beyond over miles of forests, streams, and lakes to where the dim outlines of mountain tops were shadowed upon the southern horizon. This was during the delightful Indian summer time; the coming winter, with its storms and snows, was an unknown experience to the adventurers.
Returning in October to the point where his vessels were moored, called by the natives Stadacona (now the site of Quebec), Cartier made preparations to spend the winter. The result of this decision brought with it extreme suffering from the rigors of a climate to which the new-comers were wholly unaccustomed, augmented by the affliction of the scurvy, from which disease twenty-five of his men died. The bitter experiences of this winter of 1535-'36 on the Isle of Orleans (where they had constructed rude barracks) dimmed the bright hopes of the colonists, and in the spring Cartier, finding one of his vessels unfit for sea, placed his men upon the other two, and prepared to return to France. Taking possession of the country with all the formal "pomp and circumstance" of the age, he and his discouraged companions abandoned the idea of colonization and on the 9th of May, 1536, sailed for France.
The day before his departure Cartier invited Donnaconna and eight of his chiefs to partake of a feast on board his ship. The invitation was accepted, and Cartier, imitating the infamy of the Spanish conquerors of the southern part of the continent, treacherously sailed away with them to France as captives, where they all soon died with grief.
No further efforts at colonization were undertaken until about 1540, when Francis de la Roque, Lord of Roberval, was commissioned by the king of France with vice-royal powers to establish a colony in New France. The king's authorization of power conferred upon De la Roque the governorship of an immense extent of territory, shadowy if not illimitable in boundary, but extending in all directions from the St. Lawrence and including in its compass all of what is now New England and much of New York. In 1541 he caused to be fitted out a fleet of vessels, which sailed from St. Malo, with Cartier as captain-general and pilot. When, late in August, they arrived at Stadacona the Indians were overjoyed at their arrival, and poured on board the ships to welcome their chief whose return they expected, relying upon Cartier's promise to bring him back. They Page 49 put no faith in the tale told them that he and his companions were dead; and even when shown the Huron maiden, who was to be returned to her friends, they incredulously shook their heads, and their peaceful attitude and hospitality hour by hour changed to moroseness and gradually to hostility. The first breach of faith had occurred, never to be entirely healed.
Cartier made a visit to Hochelaga, and returned thence to Stadacona. On the Isle of Orleans he erected a fort for protection during the approaching winter. Patiently waiting and watching for De la Roque, who had promised to follow him early in the season, they saw the arrival of winter and the closing of the river by ice without the vision of the hoped-for vessels.
In the spring following (1542) Cartier departed for France. He ran into the harbor of St. Johns, and there met De la Roque, who was on his way to the St. Lawrence. From Cartier the viceroy heard the most discouraging accounts of the country, with details of the suffering he and his men had endured during the preceding winter, both from the climate and from the hostility of the Indians; followed by the navigator's advice that the whole expedition return to France, or sail to some other portion of the continent. This De la Roque declined to do, and ordered Cartier to return to the St. Lawrence. Cartier disobeyed this order, and sailed for France. This was his last voyage; he died in 1555.
De la Roque, after his separation from Cartier, pushed on and ascended the river to above the site of Quebec, where he constructed a fort in which he spent the succeeding winter, undergoing extreme suffering from the climate. In the autumn of 1543 De la Roque returned to France, having accomplished nothing towards colonization, and learning but little of the country not already known.
This was the final breaking up of French attempts at colonization at that time, and nothing more was done by that nation towards settling in the new country for nearly fifty years. De la Roque, however, in 1549, with his brothers and a number of adventurers, again sailed for the St. Lawrence, but as they were never heard of afterwards it was supposed they were lost at sea.
History has demonstrated that the most successful attempts at colonization and settlement in new sections have been achieved by private enterprise, in many cases started and fostered by commercial undertakings. The interest and spirit of individual energy has more often than otherwise accomplished greater results in subduing the wilds of nature and in planting and extending the benefits of civilization, than the most powerful and thoroughly organized expeditions sent out under governmental authority. Too often in the latter case the personal aggrandizement of the leaders has overthrown the better motives and works of the masses composing the organizations.
The efforts of the royal government of France in endeavoring to establish a foothold in the New World were no exception to this view, and it was not till the enterprise was undertaken by private individuals that anything like success followed.Page 50
From 1600, and on for a few years, one M. Chauvin, having obtained a broad patent which formed the basis of a trade monopoly, carried on an extensive fur trade with the natives, resulting in establishing numerous small but thrifty settlements; but the death of the organizer caused their abandonment.
The year 1603 was signalized by the initiatory steps that resulted in the final settlement of the French in the region of the St. Lawrence. M. Aylmer de Chastes, governor of Dieppe, stimulated by the commercial success that had followed the efforts of Chauvin and others, obtained a charter to establish settlements in New France and organized a company of Rouen merchants, the existence of which becomes of paramount historic importance as having introduced to the field of his later great work, Samuel de Champlain, discoverer of the lakes and the territory of which this history treats, and the real founder of New France, as well as the most illustrious of those who guided its destinies.
"Champlain was born at Brouage, in 1567, a seaport situated on the Bay of Biscay. Addicted to an intercourse with the sea by the associations of his boyhood, near the most tempestuous waters of Western Europe, he gratified his instincts by a connection at an early age with the royal marine of his native country. Although a Catholic by birth and sentiment, he followed in the civil wars of France the 'Banner of Navarre.' When that cause had triumphed he received a pension from the gratitude of his liberal but impoverished leader. Too active and ardent to indulge in the relaxations of peace, he conceived the design of a personal exploration of the colonial possessions of Spain, and to thus obtain a knowledge of their condition and resources, which was studiously vailed from the world by the jealous policy of that government. His scheme was sanctioned by the wise and sagacious head of the French administration. Through the influence of a relative in that service Champlain secured the command of a ship in the Spanish West India fleet. This singular position, not, perhaps, in perfect accordance with modern conceptions of professional honor, was occupied two years, and when he returned to France his mind was stored with the most valuable information and his journal, laded with the results of keen observation of the regions he had visited, was quaintly illustrated by his uncultivated pencil." (1)
1. Watson's Essex County.
Champlain must have been born with the uncontrollable instinct of investigation and desire for knowledge of the material world that has always strongly marked the great explorers. He made a voyage (1599), landed at Vera Cruz, penetrated to the city of Mexico and visited Panama. More, his journal shows that he conceived the idea of a ship canal across the isthmus by which "the voyage to the South Sea might be shortened by more than fifteen hundred leagues."
At the request of De Chastes, Champlain was commissioned by the king lieutenant-general of Canada (a name derived, it is supposed, "from the Huron Page 51 word Kan-na-ta, signifying a collection of cabins, such as Hochelaga"). (1) He sailed from the fort of Honfleur in March, 1603, in a single vessel, commanded by a skilled navigator named Pont-Greve.
They arrived at the mouth of the St. Lawrence some time In May, and ascended the river as far as Stadacona, where they anchored. From this point Champlain sent Pont-Creve upon an expedition up the river to above the La Chine Rapids. At Hochelaga he found, instead of the palisaded city described by Cartier, nothing indicating that the locality had ever been thickly populated. A few scattered bodies of Indians, of a different nation from those met by Cartier, who evinced the greatest wonder and interest in the newcomers, were all that he saw. These natives gave Pont-Greve much information relative to the regions on the south and west, and other intelligence of a nature to fill the mind of the explorer with the wildest dreams of conquest and empire.
Without enacting more extended measures towards colonization and settlement than making a few brief expeditions of exploration, Champlain, in the autumn, returned to France; he found that in his absence his patron, De Chastes, had died, and that the concessions and privileges of the latter had been transferred to M. Pierre de Gast, the Sieur de Monts. Though a Protestant, the latter had secured additional favors from the royal hand, covering broad commercial rights, with vice-regal authority over a section of the new country extending from Philadelphia, or its site, on the south, to the forty-sixth parallel on the north, and from the sea-shore on the east to an indefinite limit on the west.
Again, in the spring of 1604, Champlain sailed with De Monts with four vessels, bringing with them a number of people intended to colonize the grants. They landed first at Nova Scotia, and remained there long enough to establish the beginning of a settlement, and, towards autumn, De Monts returned to France and left Champlain to explore the coast to the south as far his grant extended. Champlain remained for some time at this point, pushing forward his settlement, and exploring the surrounding country, carrying out his employer's instructions to the extent of sailing along the coast as far south as Cape Cod. In 1607 he returned to France.
Expressing to De Monts his belief that the better site for establishing the seat of the proposed new empire would be a point on the St. Lawrence River, some distance from the sea coast, he was sent with Pont-Greve and a number of colonists, in 1608, to Stadacona, and there founded Quebec (a name of Indian derivation). There houses were built, and agricultural operations begun.
In 1609 Champlain, who had secured the friendship of the Montagnais Indians, or Montagners, engaged to assist them in an expedition against their enemies, the Iroquois. (2) It is probable that he was partly incited to his action Page 52 by desire to extend his knowledge of the country and to widen his sphere of influence. They were joined by a number of Hurons and Algonquins, and in May proceeded in canoes up the Sorel to the Chambly Rapids.
2. See note page 17.
The Indians had told Champlain that the country they wished to conquer was thickly settled; that to reach it they must pass by a waterfall, thence into another lake, from the head of which there was a carrying-place to a river, which flowed towards the sea coast. This course of their intended march is clearly understood to-day as leading up Lake Champlain to Ticonderoga, thence up the outlet of Lake George past the falls, thence through Lake George to the Hudson River.
Pursuing their course up the Sorel, Champlain says in his journal, they reached "a great lake and gave it his own name." Passing along the west side of the lake, he says of the country: "These parts, though agreeable, are not inhabited by the Indians, in consequence of their wars."
In proceeding up the lake it was the practice of the Indians to send three of their canoes in advance, as night approached, and if no enemy was discovered, to retire in peace. Against "this bad habit of theirs" Champlain expostulated, but to little purpose. In this manner "they proceed until they approach an enemy's country," when they advance "stealthily by night, all in a body except the scouts, and retire by day into picket forts where they repose." Thus the party proceeded up the lake to their landing-place, a full and graphic account of which journey is contained in Champlain's journal. Following is his vivid description of his meeting and battle with the Iroquois: -
"Now on coming within about two or three days' journey of the enemy's quarters, we traveled only by night and rested by day. Nevertheless, they never omitted their usual superstition to ascertain whether their enterprise would be successful, and often asked me whether I had dreamed and seen their enemies.
"At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue our journey, and as we advanced very softly and noiselessly, we encountered a party of Iroquois, on the 29th day of the month, about 10 o'clock at night, at a point of a cape which juts into the lake on the west side. They and we began to shout, each seizing his arms. We withdrew toward the water and the Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their canoes, the one beside the other, and began to hew down trees with villainous axes, which they sometimes get in war, and others of stone, and fortified themselves very securely. Our party, likewise, kept their canoes arranged the one along side of the other, tied to poles so as not to run adrift, in order to fight all together should need be. We were on the water about an arrow shot from their barricade.
"When they were armed and in order, they sent two canoes from the fleet to know if their enemies wished to fight, who answered they desired nothing else; but that just then there was not much light, and that we must wait Page 53 for day to distinguish each other, and that they would give us battle at sunrise. This was agreed to by our party. Meanwhile the whole night was spent in dancing and singing, as well on one side as on the other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other taunts, such as the little courage they had; how powerless their resistance against their arms, and that when day would break they should experience this to their ruin. Ours likewise did not fail in repartee; telling them they should witness the effects of arms they had never seen before; and a multitude of other speeches such as is usual at the siege of a town.
"After the one and the other had sung, danced and parliamented enough, day broke. My companions and I were always concealed, for fear the enemy should see us in preparing our arms the best we could, being, however, separated, each in one of the canoes of the savage Montaquars. After being equipped with light armor we took each an arquebus and went ashore. I saw the enemy leave their barricade; they were about 200 men, of strong and robust appearance, who were coming slowly towards us, with a gravity and assurance which greatly pleased me, led on by their chiefs. Ours were marching in similar order, and told me that those who bore three lofty plumes were the chiefs, and that there were but these three and they were to be recognized by those plumes which were considerably larger than those of their companions, and that I must do all I could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, and I told them that I was very sorry that they could not clearly understand me, so as to give them the order and plan of attacking their enemies, as we should undoubtedly defeat them all, but there was no help for that; that I was very glad to encourage them and to manifest to them my good will when we should be engaged.
"The moment we landed they began to run about two hundred paces toward their enemy, who stood firm, and had not perceived my companions, who went into the bush with some savages. Ours commenced calling me in a loud voice, and making way for me opened in two, and placed me at their head, marching about twenty paces in advance until I was within thirty paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me they halted, gazing at me and I at them. When I saw them preparing to shoot at us, I raised my arquebus, and aiming directly at one of the three chiefs, two of them fell by this shot; one of their companions received a wound of which he died afterwards. I had put four balls in my arquebus. Ours on witnessing a shot so favorable for them, set up such tremendous shouts that thunder could not have been heard; and yet there was no lack of arrows on the one side and the other. The Iroquois were greatly astonished seeing two men killed so instantaneously, notwithstanding they were provided with arrow proof-arrnor, (1) woven of cotton thread and wood; Page 54 this frightened them very much. Whilst I was reloading one of my companions in the bush fired a shot, which so astonished them anew, seeing their chief slain, that they lost courage, took to flight and abandoned their fort, hiding themselves in the depths of the forest, whither pursuing them I killed some others. Our savages also killed several of them and took ten or twelve prisoners. The rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen were wounded by arrows; they were promptly cured.
1. The allusion to this armor presents an interesting and suggestive inquiry. We know of the product of no indigenous plant, which Champlain might have mistaken for cotton. He must have been familiar with that plant. The fact he mentions implies either the existence of a commercial intercourse between the natives of the North and South; or perhaps the Mohawks may have secured the cotton as a trophy in some of their southern incursions. - Watson's Essex County.
Without desiring to argue the question, it is still pertinent to state that is doubtful if the Indians could at that early date, have obtained cotton upon any southern incursion.
"After having gained the victory they amused themselves by plundering Indian corn and meal from the enemy; also their arms which they had thrown away to run the better. And having feasted, danced and sung, we returned three hours afterward with the prisoners.
"The place where the battle was fought is in forty-three degrees some minutes latitude, and I named it Lake Champlain."
This battle, the first of a long series that were to consecrate the locality with the blood of three contending powers, was doubtless fought near, if not directly upon the promontory afterwards occupied by Fort Ticonderoga. This opinion is advanced by the best authorities. The plan of the campaign and the route to be traveled, as described to Champlain by his savage companions, led beyond question up the outlet from Lake Champlain to Lake George. Hence there is no reason for assuming that they followed further up the coast than Ticonderoga, and ample reason for believing that here would be their landing place. The Indians had told Champlain that after traversing the lake they "must pass by a waterfall and thence into another lake three or four leagues long." No clearer description of the route from one lake to the other can be written at this day.
The Algonquin Indians, who had passed through a generation or more of warfare with the Iroquois and were generally getting the worst of the contest, now found themselves armed with a weapon with which they could, for a time, win victory on any field.
Thus signalized the first hostile meeting between the civilized white man and the untutored Indian. Low as the latter was found in the scale of intelligence and terrible as were many of the subsequent bloody deeds of the Iroquois, it cannot be denied that their early treatment by the Europeans was scarcely calculated to foster in the savage breast any other feeling than bitterest hostility. It is like a pathetic page from a romance to read that "the Iroquois are greatly astonished, seeing two men killed so instantaneously," one of whom was their noble chief; while the ingenuous acknowledgment of Champlain, "I had put four balls in my arquebus," is a vivid testimony of how little mercy the Iroquois nations were to expect thenceforth from their northern Page 55 enemies and the pale-faced race who were eventually to drive them from their domain.
But it was an age in which might was appealed to as right oftener than in late years, and the planting of the lowly banner of the Cross was often preceded by bloody conquest. In the light of the prevailing customs in the Old World at that time, we must view the ready hostility of Champlain towards his helpless enemies.
While the events above recorded were occurring under the leadership of Champlain, who was thus pushing southward from his embryo settlement on the St. Lawrence, other explorations were being made from the sea coast northward, the actors in which were undoubtedly impelled by the same spirit of enterprise, but exemplified in a less belligerent manner. Prominent among these, and particularly noteworthy as opening the pathway of civilization leading to the same territory towards which Champlain's expedition tended, was the exploration of the noble river that now bears the name of its discoverer, Henry Hudson.
Hudson was an Englishman, an expert navigator, and had made, in the interest of a body of English merchants, several voyages in search of a northeastern passage to India. Finally he, as well as his employers, became disheartened in attempting to force a way through the ice packs and floes between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, and Hudson went to Holland and offered his services to the Dutch East India Company, which were gladly accepted. He was put in command of the Half-Moon, a stoutly built vessel of ninety tons, and again, casting aside his previous disappointments, sailed for Nova Zembla. But, as before, the fields of ice were a barrier too strong for even the staunch vessel commanded by Hudson, and he was forced to turn back. Determined not to return to Amsterdam without accomplishing something towards rendering his voyage fruitful, he directed his course towards Greenland, and sailed Mound the southern point thereof, taking the route that had already been pursued by others in search of a northwest passage. Baffled again by ice packs, he sailed southward, and discovered the American continent somewhere on the coast of Maine. Running into a harbor, he made necessary repairs to his battered vessel, and then followed down the coast as far as Virginia. Returning, be entered Delaware bay and made a partial examination of its shores, and in September, 1609, entered the present harbor of New York. He met and entertained the natives, and was hospitably received by them; but before his departure he conferred upon them experimental knowledge of the effects of intoxicating liquor - an experience perhaps more baneful in its results than that conferred by Champlain a hundred and fifty miles northward, with his new and murderous weapon. Hudson ascended the river to a point within less than a hundred miles of that reached by Champlain, and returned to Europe, after having again sailed as far south as Chesapeake bay. "The unworthy monarch on Page 56 England's throne, jealous of the advantage which the Dutch might derive from Hudson's discoveries, detained him in England as an English subject; but the navigator outwitted his sovereign, for he had sent an account of his voyage to his Amsterdam employers by a trusty hand." (1) Through the information thus furnished was established a Dutch colony on the island of Manhattan, for which a charter was granted by the States-General of Holland, bearing date October 11th, 1614, in which the country was named New Netherland.
It may not be out of place at this point to make brief mention of Hudson's subsequent career and sad ending. In 1610 he made another and final voyage from England, sailing in April, and during the months of June and July discovered and navigated the great bay that bears his name. It was his intention to winter there, but owing to scant provisions, a portion of his crew mutinied and compelled him to return. On the way Hudson, his son, and seven of his crew who had remained faithful to him, were placed in an open boat, which was towed through the ice floes to the open sea, where it was cut adrift, and the unfortunate occupants were left to the mercy of the winds and waves. His fate was afterwards revealed by one of the mutineers. England sent an expedition in search of him, but not the slightest trace was found of him and his companions.
Meanwhile, in 1607, the English had made their first permanent settlement at Jamestown, Virginia, and in 1620 planted a second colony at Plymouth Rock. These two colonies became the successful rivals of all others of whatever nationality, in the strife that finally left them (the English) masters of the country.
On the discoveries and the colonization efforts we have briefly noted, three European powers based claims to a part of the territory embraced in the State of New York. England, by reason of the discovery of Cabot, who sailed under letters patent from Henry VII, and on the 24th of June, 1497, struck the sterile coast of Labrador, and that made in the following year by his son Sebastian, who explored the coast from New Foundland to Florida, claiming a territory eleven degrees in width and extending westward indefinitely. France, by reason of the discoveries of Verrazzani, claimed a portion of the Atlantic coast; and Hol1and, by reason of the discovery of Hudson, claimed the country from Cape Cod to the southern shore of Delaware Bay. As we have stated, the Dutch became, for the time being, the possessors of the region under consideration.
In concluding this chapter it will not be out of place to make a brief reference to the later career of Champlain, intimately associated as he was with the civilized knowledge of the beautiful waters of the lake that perpetuates his name, although the events noted are not directly connected with this history. The year following his discovery of the lake, Champlain passed in France; but Page 57 the opening season of 1610 found him again ascending the St. Lawrence, and the same year he was wounded by an arrow in a fight with the Iroquois. Again returning to France, at the age of forty-four years, he married a girl of twelve; and, in 1612 returned to Quebec, clothed with the power of sovereignty granted him by Prince de Conde, who had succeeded Count de Soissons, the successor of De Monts. In the following year he ascended the Ottawa River in quest of a fabulous sea, of which he had heard tales; made successful arrangements for carrying on the fur trade with the Indians; fought a battle with the Onondagas; and, returning to France, organized a fur company in 1616. On his return to Canada he took with him several Recollet priests. In 1620, the colony beginning to languish, a new viceroy was appointed, who made Champlain governor, with full powers, of the whole territory. In 1628 and 1629 the English laid siege to Quebec, which Champlain was finally forced to surrender, and he was taken to England. By treaty, in 1632, Canada was restored to France, and Champlain was reinstated governor; he returned the last time in 1633 to the state his wisdom and zeal had created, invested by Richelieu with all his former prerogatives. Having suppressed the Indian excitement which had agitated his province, conciliated the jarring jealousies and angry feuds of mercenary traders and arbitrary officials, and amply asserted and perfected the dominion of his sovereign over a vast region, Champlain died in 1635, and is commemorated in the annals of the country he served so ably and with such fidelity as "the father of New France."